THE ELECTIONS.

Globe, Volume XXI, Issue 1718, 22 August 1879, Page 3

THE ELECTIONS.

THE HON. MB BICHA.EDSON AT THE ODDFELLOWS' HALL. The Hon. E. Eiehardson, C.M.G., addressed a largely attended meeting in the Oddfellows' Hall last evening. His Worship the Mayor presided, and on the platform there were also Messrs Stevens, Pratt, Hobb3, and others. The Chairman bespoke a fair hearing for the candidate, who was well known as a public servant who had represented them, and as the candidate was suffering from an attack of bronchitis he craved for him every indulgence. Mr Eiehardson, who was well received, said — Mr Mayor and gentlemen, I think that, before going into the general question of policy, on which I shall have to address von at some length tonight, that it wonld be advisable that I should state my reasons for taking the action which I did daring the last short session of Parliament. It will bo remembered by many of yon, I have no doubt, who heard me in this hall when I last addressed the electors of Christchurch some two months ago, just before the session, that I then pointed ont to you that I was not at all satisfied with a great many actions of the Government, and that it would be my duty to very closely wateh the action that .had been taken during the recess, and what the Government proposed to do at the commencement of Jast session. Well, gentlemen, when I went to Wellington, and I

waa there amongst some of the earliest members, I found at once that as members arrived a very large majority of members were of the same opinion aa myself, that the Government had exceeded the law in several cases, and really were not in earnest in many provisions they had made the previous session, and I ascertained for myaelf very soon that a very large majority, I may say a majority composed of what during the previous session had been members on both I aides of the House, were of the same opinion aa myself, and were also determined that the then existing Government were not fit to carry out properly the administration of the country; and that being the general opinion, and opinion ot the majority, it was then decided that it would be a waste of time for the country to go on with any busineos whatever, and that the conclusion should be tried at onco to ascertain really the position of parties in tho House, and, aB you all know, action was taken in that direction, and with a result which ishowed that the existing Government were in a very large minority ot the House as it then atood, I may say as it now stands. Well, gentlemen, aa I say, tho Opposition immediately took action, and it resulted in a defeat of the Government, the largest defeat that has ever taken place in the Parliament of Now Zealand on a want of confidence motion. [Hear, hear.] The Government then, in the place of resigning, advised his Excellency that the House as then composed did not represent the views of the country, and that the proper thing to do was to appeal to the country, and, gentlemen, a 3 yon are aware, the Governor, when the case waa laid before him, replied in particularly guarded terms, granting a dissolution, and I think, to avoid aDy mistake in the matter, that it wonld bo as well to read to you the particular form in which he granted this dissolution. I am not going to read the whole of his memorandum, but I shall read the paragraphs of it which aro more particularly pertinent to tho points to which I refer. In stating that ho ia prepared to grant a dissolution, he says : —" No doubt a general election would be inconvenient at the present moment, having regard to the financial depression, and in the circumstances of the colony generally, and especially to the Native difficulty on tho West Coast. I therefore presume that Ministers have carefully considered the consequences of snch a step before tendering to me the advice, and I am therefore prepared to accopt their recommendation, leaving with them the entire responsibility of such proceedings." He went on further to say that "it ia indispensable, under such circumstances, if Ministers do not at once resign, that Parliament shou'd be dissolved with the least possible delay, and that meanwhile no measures shall be proposed that may not be imperatively required, nor any contested motion whatever brought forward. It is necessary also, and in accordance with an established constitutional precedent, that a new Parliament shall bo called together at the earliest possible moment at which the writs are returnable." Well, gentlemen, that wa3 the position of affairs._ The Opposition entirely coincided with that view, so far that the Governor having stated the constitutional right of the Government to a dissolution, that they would not interpose any objection whatever, and fac litated the Government's movements in getting a dissolution aa speedily as possible. But, gentlemen, the action of the Government was this, that in the place of adhering to the distinct, I may say law laid down by the Governor in his memorandum I have just read to you, that no contested motions should be brought forward, the Government proposed that the Electoral Bill, and Re-distribution of Seats Bill, and the Chinese Immigration Bill should be passed before the dissolution took place. Now the Opposition, of which I was a member, simply referred this question back to the Government, and said to them '' you are not keeping faith with the instructions of the Governor; these are contested motions, and, therefore, they cannot possibly be taken," and I need hardly tell you the Electoral Bill was one upon which an enormous amount of discussion would take place. The Representation Bill was one upon which there would be even greater discus ion, and if it got through the House in a month or six weeks it would be a very remarkable and quick despatch of such a Bill, and, of course, with regard to the Chinese Bill that was a point upon which a very great deal of discussion would take place. Now, I mention these facts because I have said that the Opposition have been charged very distinctly with opposing these Bills and delaying the business of the country. I think that that charge cannot be laid at the feet _of the Opposition, because they were in the position of masters of the House, they were a large majority of the Houße, and it lay with them as to what business should come on. Of course this has also been laid to the feet of the Opposition, that owing to their action the Loan Bill waa kept back, and necessary supplies for carrying on the business of the country were also kept back. Well, gentlemen, I need hardly tell you that the requirements of the country must have been well known to the Government, and if they thought it was necessary for the benefit and good of the country that these Bi"s and this work should be done and got through, the remedy lay with them, which was, simply to call the House, as they were requested by the country to do —to call the House a month earlier. If they had done that, these Bills would have been passed earlier. The Loan Bill, aa yon are aware, was passed through the House, and I, as a member say with regret, that_ it was passed in a way which I think waa a disgrace to the House. It was passed through Parliament without Parliament having any statement—any reasonable fair statement—of the position of the country before it at all, and it was simply with the view of making it impossible that any charge could be laid against the Opposition that thia action was taken, ao that the Government might keep faith with what waa said to be some sort of pledge that this Bill should go home by tho next mail. Then we came to the question of supplies, and there we did the same thing. We had no statement, in the ordinary sense of the word, given to us. _ 'We _had nothing to gnide us as to the financial position of (the colony, and Btill snppliea were granted to the Government so that a dissolution might take place and a new House be got together aa speedily aa possible to get on with the real business of the country. [Applause.] Now, gentlemen, I am not going to tire and trouble you with figures at all, but I wish to point out thil, that the House, in passing the estimates, did so literally, I may say, in_ the dark. For my own part, and I have been in the House of Representatives for some ten years, I Bay that the short statements that have been made in the House have not enabled me. at all events, to be able to ascertain the real true position of the accounts of the colony and how they stand, but as far as I know, the position was something like this—For the year ending 30th June last there was" something like a quarter of a million deficit, which has to be made up. I may be wrong in this, but that is as far aa I can ascertain in the accounts laid before us ; and as far as I am informed the deficit will have to be made up by further taxation, which this current year will be conaiderably larger. As you are aware, the loana which the country is responsible for are some twenty-three millions, taking round figures, and the interest and sinking fund amounts to some million and seven hundred thousand. From that you will see that it will absolutely take nearly the whole of the Customß revenue of the country to meet the interest on our loan, and of course this will at once dhow you that very considerable additional taxation must be immediately imposed on the country. I shall come back to thi3 question presently, but I may simply state in passing that my opinion is the same now aa it was, and has been for a long while past, that thia taxation muat take the form of a property tax, so that everybody may pay in accordance with what they receive from the State. [Applause.] In spite of all this, I may aay that there ia no reason whatever, to despond, because I am perfectly satisfied if reasonable economy is observed in the various public departmenta, that, with the wonderful advancement of the country and the elasticity of the business which is done to a great extent by the ever-increasing Customs' revenue (even in spite of reductions made last year in duties on tea and sugar) I myself have not the slightest fear of the result. Because I agree that of what Government has Parliament will take care of; and if they don't, you will take care that in the end proper economy and proper supervision is made. [Hear, hear. ] Before dc aling with the various measures that are likely to come before us and Parliament next session, if you are good enough to return me as your member, I would like to makearemarkortwosomewhatpersonaljperhaps, to myself. I have been charged very seriously in some directions with inconsistency and not being sincere in statements which I have from time to time made before yon and in the address which I have placed before you on the present occasion. Of course, lam quite aware of the old French proverb qui excuse s , aecuse. I am quite willing to submit to that charge, and I am perfectly ready to state that I am not afraid of meeting anybody and going fully into all my past career and all my past actions in the House, to show that I have been sincere and done my very best to carry out my viswa, views whieh I have enunciated to you. Of course, as I said the other evening, you mu't all quite understand that when a man cannot get everything he wishes he must only work quietly to assist by getting little by little until he gets in the _ end what he wants. Now, gentlemen, having said so, I have just come to the measurea that have been laid before the House during tho last short session, and which may be called the Government programme, which I have in my address to the constituency shortly alluded to, and first of these is the Electoral Bill. Well, gentlemen, with regard to that, there ia very little in that Bill which I have not for years advocated. Ihave always gone in for a residential qualification, and I think it will be found that the generality of the people of tho country have been satisfied with the qualification of twelve months' residence in any particular 'district of the country. For my own part, in 1874, when I was in the Governiment, we brought down a bill giving only 1 six months, and I think that is quite enough, • because the object at that time was aa it would

be now —to object to votes in any district unle=B they had been residents for six months. Gentlemen, with that additional qualification added to the present qualifications, I believe every man in this country who ought to have a vote can get one. The difficulty is this, that the people will not take the trouble to register. If the people of the country would have token the trouble to register under the law as it at present stands, in place of there being tho number there is it would havo been considerably larger. There are these two other points in that Bill which are good points, and I should be very glad to see, and have with your other members advocated previously in the House, that is, to extend considerably the hours of polling, and also to allow people of tho country to register at any time in the year in place of being confined to a particular time. The only one point which I object to altogether in the late Government's proposals, and in what appears to me to be still introduced in the Electoral Bill which they laid before the House, perhaps in a subdued form, was tho dual vote of Maoris. That I objected to altogether, and shall do so, no matter what Government is in. As I explained to you before, that dual vote the Government in the session before last insisted on being placed in the Bill, and because it was not allowed into that Bill, they dropped tho Bill that was to have given such enormous facilities to all electors of the country. I say that Bill would have enabled any Government who happened to be in power to swamp at least nine, if not twelve, electorates in this country—ten in the North Island, and probably two would have been affected in this island, and this is a Bill which I do not think anyone would ask me to agree to, at all events I would never do it. [Hear, hear.] Now there is another point alluded to in my address in the papers, and that is the re distribution of feats—representation, and I leak upon that, and have done so during the last two or three years, as even of far more imp'rtance than the amendment on the electoral law, because jou in this island have been very largely unrepresented, I mean the southern part particularly. The Government have brought forward a Bill during the past session which is now before the country, and I do not know whether that has fallen into the hands of many of my hearers to-night, but I will just short y explain it, because I think it is a matter of great importance to you all, and one which, if any means could be possibly ascertained of getting the general ideas of the country on tho subject, would be a very great advantage in returning members to the House. It is on the basis of population, and in the Bill it is proposed that the boroughs of the colony shall have a representative for every six thousand five hundred inhabitants or thereabouts ; and after the rest of the country shall be divided into districts wherever the boroughs have not tho full six thousand five hundred that they shall be tacked on to country districts, and after those these country districts shall have allowed them twenty-five percent, on the population to entitle them to a member. Under that Bill Christchurch would get two members, Sydenham one, Auckland two, Wellington three, Nelson one, and Dunedin three, making twelve as the whole borough representatives in the House. Then in the Bill it is evidently intended that, as far as possible, every dUtrict shall only have one member that is to say, Christchurch having two, it would bo divided into two districts, parts, or wards, each part returning one member. Now that view of the Bill is taken, and I may say at once that it is a veiy difficnlt Bill to understand, several members whom I have consulted on the matter having formed different opinions on it, but, as far as I gather, that is tho intention. If this is adhered to, this is a result which I think you will not at all agrea to, nor will it be liked throughout tho country generally, that the suburbs of this town, for instance, will be tacked on to a large country district, and the country district will be literally swamped by the town, so the country district in the end would not be represented at all. Reading that Bill, and taking the House of Representatives to be kept at the present number, that is to say, eighty-four members, of course I take out the four Maori members as a, special exception, this is as I read this Bill, the actual numbers of people who return a member are six thousand five hundred in towns, as is absolutely stated in the Bill, and taking the population there will be actually one member for some four thousand five hundred for the country districts. The Government propose to make allowance for 25 per cent., which will bring up the country districts to five thousand seven hundred and fifty as p.gainst six thousand. This would be very well if it was not for the fact that through the country generally there are a great nnmber of Buburbs that control country districts. I will givo you one instance, take Akaroa and Lyttelton. In this Bill Akaroa and the whole of the Peninsula would be blotted out altogether and tacked on to Lyttelton, and then only one representative for the whole concern, and Lyttelton would be in the position of returning a member for the whole concern. That, as far as I see, is the effect of this Bill, and I think it will be quite patent to you that the remark I made in the commencement of my speech here to night, that this question would take an immense amount of discussion in the House before you would get any such Bill as that agreed to, was correct. [Hear.] Before leaving that question I am perfectly ready, as I have stated on several previous occasions in this hall, to agree to any fair Bill on the basis of population, bnt we must see in passing that Bill that we have justice, not only to towns but also to country districts. Gentlemen, following up my address, which has appeared in the papers, the next subject that I deal with is that of taxation, and, as I have already said, it is quite clear that very considerable additional taxation is bound to be imposed, and I am quite of the opinion, as I have been for some time past, that the taxation must take the form of a general property tax, and that everybody (I will not go qnite so far as the Premier has gone in the House, when he states the smallest possible landowner, the smallest possible property holder) should be made to contribute his quota. For my part, I think exception should be made, and landowners of three or five hundred pounds should not come under that taxation. [Hear, hear.] Dealing with this question of taxation, T think that a great mistake was made the session before last in the direction in which the tariff was touched upon and altered, and I think it would be infinitely better, as I said in this hall two months ago when I addressed you, that one of tho commodities, either tea or sugar, had been free altogether than tinkering should have taken place, because I don't believe there is a man in this room has really benefited by the small reduction that was made on those items. If the whole duty had been taken off any one of them, then the consumer would have felt it, and not the man who employs a large amount of labor. Those are the men so far benefited by that reduction in taxation. Now, the next point which I have alluded to in that address, was the question, a very delicate one to handle, of protection. Now, coming as I did from the Home country, I naturally was imbued with the idea that free trade was right in every country in my younger days. It must be patent to everybody that this question has been attracting a very large amount of attention, both in England and on the Continent of Europe, and the opinions have been very seriously ohanged of a great many people in this direction. Of course in the case of England it is quite different to that of these new colonies. It is their object to get the raw material and food as cheaply as possible, and to make their profit in the country by exports. Here it is a very different case, and we have to provide profitable employment for a very large number of people, workmen of various descriptions, and I am quit* of opinion that it is a matter for the most grave and. serious consideration that the natural production of the country should be protected, to enable the local industries that have been started to thrive. [Applause.] I am not one of those who would rush largely into protection ; but a certain amount of it may be advisable. There are many things in the colony with regard to which a_ very _ small increase in the amount of protection might mean just the turning point as to whether the industries would pay or not. [Hear, hear.] And that also means whether the large population we have here are to be properly and payably employed or not. I am not quite certain whether this subject will not engage the attention of the Legislature, and if it should, I for one should see my way to take a step in that direction which should foster the industries of the colony. [Applause.] With regard to the question of the production of the country, it will be remembered that it was only the session before last—when the House was called upon by the Government to tinker up the old tariff —that that question was dealt with. The Government were exceedingly strong on the point of taking off the duty on inirorted grain. For my own part I take up thia position. At that time I warned the Government in my humble way, against the steps they were taking. I warned them of the effect of tho reduction, and I declined to vote for it. With regard to the question of flour, I took quite a different stand, and voted against the proposition to take off the duty on that article. The only other dnty taken off of any consequence was that on imported timber. The dutywasput upon imported timber at tho same time as imported Brain, and when tho duty was taken off the latter, there was a demand for the same concession in reference to timber. For my own part I think it was a mistake, and the sooner a change is made the better, as we have plenty of timber here, and can grow plenty of grain. [Applause.] The next point I referred to in my address was that of education. Well, my views on that head are so well known to you all that it is scarcely necessary for me to trouble you with a statement of them now. I may shortly say, however, that I have always been and ever shall be in favor of a strictly secular system of education, to be provided by the Government. As I have before stated in addressing you, I think that much greater accommodation or facilities might be given by school committees for religious instruction by the various denominations. [Voices :" No, no."] I do not mean within school hours, but time might be set

apart for religious instruction in school buildings, as is done in many districts at the present time by arrangement with tho committees ; in my own, for instance, where I know the custom answers uncommonly well. But, so far as the question of State education goes, I have but one opinion, and nothing will alter it. There can ba no doubt it seems a hardship that a de nominaticn representing a seventh part of the community do not see tb< ir way to avail themselves so much as might ba of the national sy.tem of education, but I can see no remedy for that at present, and I am at a loss to know where that remedy is to come from. I have, as I said, get only one opinion on the question, and I am not likely to change it. The State should only provide a good and free eecular formef education. [Applause.] Now, the next point I have to allude to is the triennial Parliaments. I have always said I did not Care much about this measure. Oa one occasion, some years ago, I did record a vote against the Bill; since then I do not beliove I havo voted in the House on this question, preferring to retire directly the question came on, because I think there are many points in favor of it and many against it. When I was before you some three years ago, I said, I think, that in my opinion it would be better to try one year's reduction, that is to make it a four years' Parliament instead of five years, and see how that worked, but as it seems to be a pretty general opinion that triennial Parliaments are the correct thing, I will not oppose it. However, I certainly think it my duty to point out that I do not look upon the Bill in any sense as a liberal measure. [A. Voice —"It will give us new blood."] It is all very well to say that. But it was a sufficiently difficult matter to get members to stand now and stand the racket of costly elections, and if the duration of Parliament is to be decreased to three years, I am very much mistaken if the difficulties of getting persons to stand contested elections will not be increased instead of diminished. The next point I alluded to in my address before last session was the licensing question. I can only say with regard to that, I shall be very glad to see any Government take that matter seriously in hand. We havo a variety of licensing laws all over the country. It is a very important question ; and, yet, in no one district, so far as I can understand, are those most interested in that particular lino of business, or those who, for the good of the country and for the good of the rising generation, are working in the opposite direction —none of these are satisfied with tho laws as they now stand. My own impression is, that those interested in this particular line of business in the country should meet in some sort of conference and settle together what should be done, coming to some sort of mutual arrangement as to what they want, and then the Government of the day could frame or cause to be framed a Bill which should put aside all the present laws in this direction, and make one general law for the whole of New Zealand. We had a Bill laid before us during the past session, called the Local Option Bill, which,_ so far as_ it goes, coatains some very good points. But it was, in fact, simply tinkering again with the whole question My own opinion is, if the moderate men on either side were to come together they could draw up a measure which would ameliorate the present condition of affiirs, and bring together both sides of this very difficult and important question. With regard to this present measure of local option, I think those who are going in so strongly in that direction would do well to accept the Bill with the compensation clauses in it, and see how that worked. I am perfectly certain, however, that is not where the difficulty lies. It consists rather in the size of the licensing districts than anything else. If the boundaries of the licensing districts are altered very considerably, I think there would be, comparatively speaking, little difficulty in getting rid of the lower class of houses, which I take it are the only ones in the community which it is desirable to get rid of. [Applause.] The next thing I have to touch upon is the public works. I am not going to delay yon very long on this head, nor shall I trouble you with very many figures. I will only state in the firßt place that it was very unfortunate that we were called upon to pass such large estimates for public works without any sort of reasonable information before us, ana without an opportunityof having anything like a proper discussion in the House _ on a question of such great importance. Within the last few days we have had from the present Minister of Public Works what might be called a manifesto to the electors of Dunedin, and taking that together with the very short statement we were favored with during last session, we gather pretty well what the ideas of the present Government are on some of the subjects dealt with in that particular department. The present Minister of Public Works took very considerable credit for having initiated a new system as he called it, by which lands were reserved along the lines of railway, to be sold after the railways were made, and to enable the country to be repaid the cost of construction. Now I may say that that was one part of the original proposals of Sir Julius Vogel (then Mr Vogel) when the public works scheme was first to the country. And I may also state that it was owing to the action of the present Minister of Public Works himself, assisted by some of his friends, that the particular part of the proposal in question was cut out. [A voice—" Oh, nonsense !"J No, it is not nonsense; on the contrary, it is correct and perfectly true. [Applause,] The Minister of Public Works now says that the only remedy for our position is that we should reimpose the power that was taken in the first Immigration and Public Works Bill, to make the various districts through which railways were made pay the interest on them. That is to say, where the railways do not pay the interest on the cost of construction the districts through which they pass must find the money. Tint is all very well to talk about, but I should like to know why that was not brought forward eighteen months ago when all those new lines were authorised at the behest of the present Government. It can hardly be supposed that the Government of the day had that in view when they proposed the railways to be constructed, say, through the North Island. It is pretty well known that the railways in the North Island are the worst paying railways we have, and it is hardly to be supposed that any Government could force such a Bill as that now down the throats of tho members of the North Island. I am not sanguine enough to suppose that the Government of the country, having taken over all these railways, are going to pick out particular lines and say that particular districts must find money to pay the interest on those lines which the railways themselves cannot pay. I am quite certain that they will never carry that point in the House again. [Applause.] With regard to that Railway Construction Bill, nothing has grioved me more than to see that introducedand put in force by the present Government, and I am happy to say I got an admission from the Government last session, which may be seen recorded in the pages of " Hansard," that they now saw their error, and were sorry they did not take my advice and not go on with the Bill at all. It was re-introduced, with all the worst features of the Bill of Sir Julius Vogel, and put the Government in the position of being able to go on with line after line of railway without the Parliament of the country knowing what obligations they were entering into. [A Voice: " Shame!"] I worked very hard for four years that I was in office to get that altered, and only succeeded in the year 1876. Well, the very first act of the new Government was to go back again to the old system and lose all that ground which had been recovered. In place of completing the main trunk lines the Government went in for a number of small branch lines in different part of the country, and in the face of that it could not be expected that private companies would enter on the construction of railways under the District Railways Act. [Hear, hear.] I must say I think the Government open to severe censure in this matter—in undei taking what they did with the limited funds at their disposal and the large amount of liabilities incurred, which at the end of last year amounted to £1,200,000, with an outstanding loan account of £380,000. A great quantity of the material for payment of which the country has been rendered responsible, will not be required here for twelve months certainly, and probably not for eighteen months. As a consequence tho works had to be stopped, the money not being forthcoming, so that the money which ought to have been used here was sent home to England. And this is one of the acts of the present Government of which I seo most reason to complain. [Applause.] With regard to the question of public works generally, of course, as I have said, I am of opinion that it is perfectly safe to go on with them so long as great care is taken that the works which are undertaken are reproductive, and if they are as reproductive as those at present open, I think it would be perfectly safe to go on borrowing for a considerable time to come. [App'ause.] I have just taken out two or three figures from the Bhort Public Works statement we have before us, which will no doubt ba interesting. I consider the duty of anybody who possesses a special knowledge of such subjects is to put them before the public generally. The expenditure on railways amouots to .£8 057,000, divided as follows: North Island, £2,300,000; South Island, £5,757,000. There are 1145 miles of railway open in tho colony, and the net profit on the railways is—For the North Island, £39,000; South Island, £72,000. This brings in a net result of per cent, on the whole capital expended, which is just about one half what we are paying for interest on the borrowed money. It must be patent to you all that that was in the face of a, very bad harvest, and very general depression under which the country existed, also in the face of the fact (as the Minister far Public Works put it) that we had a short Bupply of railway Btock, and were thereby unable to take a great deal of traffic that would otherwise have passed over the lines. That result at all events shows that the money was expended reproductively, and there is no fear if ordinary care is taken, that we may go on in that direction for a long time to come. [Applause.] I.wish to point out this fact in connection with the North Island Railways,

I that in many cases railways are absolutely cheaper to make than roads, and therefore although yju may not get a direct advantage at present from the railways, you derive an enormous indirect advantage. I Applause.] One other point in connection with the public Works Statement that I desire to mention is that dealing with the West Coast line of railway, or more properly speak ng, that line by which it is proposed to form a connection between the East and West Coasts of this island. I am very sorry to see the recommendations made by the Engineer in the report on this line which is to the effect that the railway mentioned should be abandoned. Now, for my own part, I do not believe the question has been gone into suffi ciently to enable an opinion to be arrived at. [Applause.] The Engineer has recommended that this lino should be abandoned and that the Greymonth bar harbor (* very difficult one by the-way) should be made a port at an enormous expense, and this is proposed to take the place of the railway which it is proposed to abandon. I think that until we have a great deal more information on the subject it would be a serious mistake to adopt that course or to sanction it. [Applause.] Well, gentlemen, the next question I alluded to in my address was direct steam navigation with England for immigration purposes. I see that the Government, through the Minister of Public Works in his manifesto, still perseveres in that, and seems determined to push it forward. lam perfectly satisfied mys-lf that the country cannot afford it. In the face of what immigration already costs the country, it is preposterous to talk about it. Whilst on this subject I wish aho to state most distinctly that in_ my opinion the Government are making a great mistake in the course taken of going back to assisted immigration. I quite agree with the late Superintendent of Canterbury, Mr Rolleston, in the opinion he expressed in the House, which was to the effect that if we still want immigrants we should pay our money and get the most suitable class of persons possible, instead of getting the scam of the land, people whom they want to get rid of at Home, and to whom we give a few pounds to assist them in travelling to thia colony. About Chinese immigration. [ApplaHse and laughter.] The Government have laid great stress upon this point. Personally I do not think it of Buch vast importance. At the same time, we had a Bill before us last session which was something like a transcript of the Victorian Bill, placing a poll tax of £LO per head on evsry Chinaman that entered the colony. I can only say with regard to this question, that there is a strong feeling in some parts of tho country, where a large number of Chinese have gathered together (as in Victoria long ago), that some check should be put upon this class of immigration, and that being so I think the courte proposed is a very fair one. While the present treaty exists between Great Britain and China it is quite impossible we can absolutely stop them from coming here, even if we wished to do so. Before leaving the question of immigration, one point occurs to my mind, that it is a very great pity the Government did not fulfil their pledge to give the Road Boards the £IOO,OOO they were fairly entitled to, because if they had done so I think we should not have heard one word about the unemployed during the past winter. [Loud applause.] Another point in tho Government programme which I took exception to is the proposal to allow counties to borrow promiscuously, as I may term it. I hold that for the credit of the colony money should only be borrowed by the Government, who could make advances to the counties in a similar way to the commissioners of works in England for similar purposes. If the stock exchange is to be swamped by a series of miserable little loans to counties which nobody knows anything about n'England, we shall in the end have to fall back upon the system adopted with reference to the provinces—that is to wipe out all the county liabilities and make them General Government debts. [Hear, hear.] Now, gentlemen, with regard to Native matters I think—and in thisl am strengthened by my nine years' experience in the House—that the time has now come when personal government of the Natives must be done away with. [Cheers.] lam sure that the feeling has grown up in the House and throughout the country, that this system must be done away with. [Hear, hear.] And that the Native Department must be worked the same as any other department of the Government, so that the House and the country may _be in a position to ascertain what is going on. At the present time we do_ not know what is being done in regard to Native matters at all. I have no doubt at all that one thing which led to the defeat of the present Government was the vacillation in Native matters. Gentlemen, I have spoken to Native shiefs in Wellington, and the gentlemen who have a good knowledge of the Native race, and their opinion is the same, namely, that the Maoris have got from the changes and vacillation in the policy of the Government to sneer at us and our policy. [Hear, hear.] lam sure that this is the reason of the trouble on the West Coast. If we deal with the Maoris on the West Coast iH a firm manner, instituting a policy based upon something sound, and redeem the promises made to them as to reserves, hostilities will be averted. This, I take it, is the only way in which we shall ai/ivo at a solution of the difficulty. [Cheers, and "No, no."] The next subject on which I will speak is with reference to the land laws, and here I may say that I think it is hardly necessary for me to go very largely into this question, because I have always been in favor—both in the Provincial Council and the General Assembly—of a system of deferred payments, so that persona desiring to do so should be enabled to acquire land under this system. [Hear.] It is, I may say, fair at present so far. Power is given in Canterbury and other parts of the colony to the Governor to proclaim Crown lands open for sale on deferred payments. Not only so, but runs may be thrown open for purchase on deferred payments, not only for pastoral, but agricultural purposes. [lnterruption.] The Chairman —I must ask those present to keep silence, and allow Mr Richardson to speak. Mr Richardson —I would not like y«u to run away with the idea that I think it at all advantageous to any one to take up very small farms. [Hear, and interruption.] One great point of the Government programme is that they intend to open the lands so that every one shall get a small farm. [Cheers, and interruption]. The Chairman—Really, gentlemen, I must ask you to have some respect for yourselves as well as for the speaker. [Hear and cheers.] _ K you differ from Mr Richardson in opinion, surely you will hear him out in his speech. [Cheers.] Mr Richardson —Gentlemen, I will not trouble you very much loi»ger. What I was going to say about small farms is this, that we have had practical experience in New Zealand of the folly of this. There has been a great struggle when men first came here to get small farms, and what has been the result ? Why, that in nine cases out of ten the farmers have come to grief. They have tried the system in Auckland, as I know myself, from having seen them. There they have given them to military settlers, almost for nothing. I have seen magnificent land given thus, almost, as I have said, given them, and what has been the result? Why, that men have starved on them, and I know, of my own knowledge, that these very farms, sold, as I state, npon deferred payments, almost amounting to giving the land away, were sold at an average of £5 for fifty acres of good land —I may say beautiful land. [Cheers.] It has been the same in Victoria, where land was given for almost nothing, and those who took to small farms were obliged to give them up. What has been the result, I ask you, in these cases to the men taking up these small farms ? Why, absolute starvation. They were unable to make anything out of them. [Cheers. ] Don't you run away with the idea of small farms. Get large ones, out of which you can get something to exist upon. Get the Government to declare large tracts open for sale upon daferred payments, and get farms such as you can exist and live upon, and not little trumpery farms of thirty or forty acres. No man can live npon them. [Cheers.] Before concluding I wish to say that I havo had a note sent to me about a particular class some of whom may be here in the hall to-night. I am told that the railway men here employed on the lines have no means of making their grievances known. Now, gentlemen, this is a very serious question, upon which I am asked to say something, but it is not new to me, because it has been brought before me and my colleague, Mr Stevens, before. [Cheers.] But I may say that notice was given of a committee last session on this subject. It is stated that on our Christchurch railways—which it must be remembered are very large institutions now, on which a large number of men of all grades are employed—there is no provision for men getting their grievances investigated. Gentlemen, for my own part I may Bay that I am in favor of the institution of the system which is in force in Victoria being also brought in here, and if the committee had sat I have no doubt that this would have been recommended. That system to which I have alluded is that an independent commission should be established in centres of population, to which the men employed on the railways could appeal, such commission to be presided over by a member of the Government. [Cheers.] Gentlemen, I have detained you longer than 1 intended, and doubtless, owing to my suffering severely from bronchitis, I have been unable to make myself heard to all of you. You havo done me the honor to elect mo as your representative for the past nine years, and I can say conscientiously that I have done my duty faithfully by you. [Cheers and interruption.] We cannot always do all that we would wish, but, gentlemen, I have done my best for you in the interests of Christchurch and the colony generally. [Cheers.] I have secured for Christchurch many things in the past, and if returned again by you, I will, as I havo done before, endeavor faithfnfly to discharge the trust reposed in me. [Cheers and interruption.] Gentlemen, I thank you_ for the kindly manner in which yon have listened to

what I have bad to say to yon this evening. (.Cheers.] The Chairman-I may say tint if any gentleman hai a question to put to Mr Bichardson, he will be happy to answer him. An Elector—Would you bo in favor—ns < I have heard it is part of the policy of Sir Julius Vogel and you and your ring—of placing the railways of this country in the hands of a private company? Would you vote for this measure if brought forward for the consent of Parliament ? . Mr Riclr.rdson—Most certainly not. [Cheers.J I think that as the Government h'3 constituted the railways of the country, thoy ought to keep them in their own hands, and got the best returns ont of them that they oan for the benefit of the colony. [Cheers.] An Elector —You have spoken of the leases of the runs expiring in 1780—[laughter]—would you be in favor of leasing or selling these lands, ■which are the wealth of the country, to private individuals ? Would you be in favor of leasing or selling them P Yon know—[mos of "question " J—Weill willjou bo in favor of leasing or selling the large extent of land which will come into the market in 1782 ? [Laughter and cheers. J Mr Kichardson —My friend here has made a litUa mistake of a hundred years, but that is nothing. [Laughter.] In 1880. as I have said before, the system of rents will be entirely altered and the amount of rent put on the runs in this district largely increased. The Government will have power in 1832 in this pastoral district of disposing of these lands under deferred payments, and they could sell them then. My answer to the question if I am in favor of leasin" them is certainly not. lam in favor of their being disposed of under deferred payments, ao that those who may desire to do so may acquire them as their own freehold. [Cheers.] The Elector—l wish to state that though Mr Eichardson has answered the question to the best of his ability, he had not answered it according to my opinion of it. [Cheers and interrup ijn.] An Elector—l should like to ask Mr Kichardson if he would be in favor of the repeal of tho remission of duties made by the present Government on the nece33aries of life —tea and sugar ? [Cheers] Mr Richardson —No Government would do this except under very exceptional circumstances, and I think they would be very foolish to do so. I think also it was inexpedient to take the duties referred to off, becauso I think it would have been very much better to have kept them on, and do away with a tax which has been put on. [A Voice—" The land tax.' ] Yes; the land tax [A. Voice—Ah, that's where it hits you."] Ido not object.to it for legislative purposes, but its effect in many instances to my own knowledge has been to deprivo men of steady work. It would have been much better to have kept back the small remission of duties which has done no good to anyone—[interruption] —than to h»ve put on a tax which has had the effect of reducing the price of labour. An Elector The next question I have to ask you is as follows —is it necessary to prohibit foreign grain coming from countries where they only grow some nine or ten bushels to the aero when coming to a country where it is boasted they can grow thirty bushels to the acre ? Mr Richardson —I may say that thirty bushels per acre is not the rule by any means here. When persons havo gone into farming on the understanding that the duty will continue, I do not think we ought, in common fairness, to alter it. It can't do any harm to anyone here, and it may do them some good. [Cheers.] An Electoir —The next question is about Chinese immigration. You are in favor of those coming in hero to compete in the labor market with us who have come here with our wive 3 and families. [Cries of " No, no ; that is not what he said."] Mr Bichardson —I conclude that my friend here must ha.ve misunderstood mo on the question of Chinese immigration. I have said nothing of the sort. [Cheers ] I said that so long as we are a part of tho Empire of Great Britain—and I hope we shall long continue so—[Cheers]—the treaties in force between China and the British Empire precludes us from putting an absolute stop to these peoplo landing on our Bhores. But we can put—as.is done in Victoria—a poll tax on them, which will act as a bar to their coming here. [C heers.] An Elector —Are you in favor of increasing the hours of labor ? [lnterruption ] Did you endeavour to introduce the ten hours daily labor system in this colony when you knew that eight hours were the recognised hours of work ? Mr Eichardson—l most distinctly deny that I did>nythinsr of the sort. [Cheers] I came down here from Melbourne with iny late partner, to carry out a contract under the understanding that tho hours were tho same here as were then in existence in Melbourne, and that wages were Bix shillings per day, and we entered into tho contract on that basis. We found that it was to our interest to pay according to the time ■worked, and not on this basis, and I believe that in place of six shillings per day, on which our men were engaged, that there wa3 not a man who did not have eight shillings or nine shillings per day. [Cheers.] If there are any of our men here they will substantiate what I Bay [Cheers.] An Elector —Do you still consider that you have claims against the country f3r any contract entered into by you ? Mr Eichardson —I suppose that lam bound to answer any question put to me. Not that I have any objection to do so at all. I have answered it in this hall several times, and will dc so again. I have no doubt in my mind that the country does owe me money. Wo have tested the question in a court of law, and it has been decided against us on a technical point. I may say that I have done nothing either in office, or as a member of the Assembly in this question one way or tho other—[Uheors]—nor do I intend to do so. I consider that the country does owe an amount to my children whether they ever receive it or not. [Cheers.] Mr Bictarilson—l have received a written question, which is as follows : —" Will you I>l«dge yourself, if elected, to bring forward the measures put forward in your address, and, if failing, will you resign your seat as member for Christehurch on the requisition of fifty ratepayers?" [Laughter.] Gentlemen, of course my answer to that is a simple one. I will do my best to get the measures passed, hut as to resigning on the requisition of fifty ratepayers, I shall do nothing of tho kind.. [Cheers.] . You must remember that tho constituency consists of 4250 electors, and I am not going to allow fifty people to dictate to ma if I am elocted as your member that I Bhould resign my trust. [Cheers.] An Elector —Mr Eichardson, you said that you had had interviews with the Minister of Public Works. Did you ever ask the Minister for Public Works why it is that men on one section of the New Zealand railways get .83 per day, and on another section the men doing the same work only get 7s ? Mr Eichardson —I never spoke to the Minister of Public Works on tho subject. [A Voice — " But it was your duty as our member."] It was never represented to mo that such a state of things existed as has been spoken of. [Cheers]. An Elector—Well, you have represented us for nine years. [lnterruption.] Well, if you are returned for Christehurch will you represent the case, and will you represent the men who made the railways in the early days, and find out why it is that men on one section of the railways get 83 per day, and others 7s, and why one part get pay while sick, and others do not? Mr Bichardson—l will pledge myself, if any grievance is bronght before me, to bring the matter before the Minister of Public Works, and if ho does not redress it to bring it before Parliament. [Chosr3.] Of course I will do this. [Cheers.] Mr Eichardson —Gentlemen, hero is a very large question put to me on a small piece of paper. Tho question is a 3 follows : —" Would you vote for the removal of the seat of Government to any other part of the colony if the question is bronght forward." [Cheers.] I presume my friend means, will I voto for the removal of the seat of Government from Wellington. With regard to that question, you miibt remember that a largo expenditure—a very large expenditure—has been gone to to create tho seat of Government, and whoever i 3 your member will have to bo bring forward good reasons to justify his voting for H 3 removal from Wellington. It would ccst a very large sum indeed, and I cannot see that any part of tho colony is more convenient or more central than Wellington. [Cheers.] Mr Scott—l want to ask Mr Eichardson a question, one on which I feel very strongly myself, and on which I know that, many people living in Christehurch and in New Zealand feel very strongly too. As it is very probable that Mr Bichardson will to returned for Christehurch.—[Cheers and uproar, and a voice—" Ask your qnestion, and don't make a speech.''] The question is thii, I want to aßk Mr Eichardson whether he thinks that it is fair to the old country from which we all come, and where we go to borrow our money, to send to America for locomotives ? Mr Eichardson —My opinion about the matter is this. The Government is open to go to get money where they can get it on tho cheapest terms, and they are also bound to go where they are advised is the cheapest market to buy what they require. [Cheers.] For my own part, all my predilections are with tho old conntry, but if it is true, as I im told, that we can get locomatives 20 per cent, cheaper in America, it is my duty as your member, or that of anyone who may represent you. to call the Government over the coals if they did not do so. Of course lam assuming that all things are equal, and that we can get as good engines from America as from England, and in this cauo it is the duty of the Government to get them where they can procure them 20 per cent, cheaper. [Cheers.] An Electoie—Don't you think, Mr Eichardson, you made a grave mistake in advocating a tax upon timber in a country like this, wheja timber ia so largely used in building, and where in all

probability we shall run ont of our native supply in a few years ? Mr Bichardson—You should go farther You must remember that sawmills have been established in places where the cost of carriage is very great. We havo here only scattered forests, and not continuous, the same as is the case in other countries. These mills have been established on the faith that this duty would be continued, and I don't think it would be fair to remove it. It has been tbeVause of closing scores of mills, especially in the Nelson province. There is, I think, no fear that ourown timber supply will run ont during our life time, or that of our children. [Cheers.] Mr Stafford—l would like to know, Mr Bichardson, why yon and the other gentlemen belonging to tho Opposition come before the electors and advocate Sir George Grey's principles when you, whilo in the House, and the whole Opposition, opposed them ? [Cheers and interruption.] Mr Bichardson—l take it that the question means simply this :—" Why did you oppose the Ministry and now profess to hold the same policy." Well, gentlemen, I commenced my remarks this evening by saying why I voted against the Ministry, and stated that I had voted and spoken over and over again for the same policy which the Ministry now proposed to the people of New Zealand. My answer to the question now put is in a few words, and is this, that Sir George Grey and the Ministry have been very good at promising, but very backward indeed in performing. [Cheers and hisses.] Mr Stafford—Do you believe that Sir George Grey is truthful? [Laughter and cheers.] Mr Bichardson —Of course you mean in a Parliamentary sense. [Laughter.] Mr Stafford—Yes. I want to know. [Cheers and laughter.] Mr Eichardson—l say this, that Sir G. Grey has made a number of promises in the House and to the conntry—particularly during his tour through the country—very few of which he has performed, or made the slightest attempt to perform. | Cheers and hisses.] An Elector—l should like to ask Mr Eichardson whether he considered it politic for Sir Geo. Grey to press his measures, or go to the country? Mr Richardson —The question is this, whether Sir Georgo Grey should not have given way and allowed someone else to carry out his measures. [Cheers and hisse3.] The session before the last Sir Gecrge Grey could have carried anything which he liked to have said was a Government measure. He carried the Electoral Bill through the House, and then vetoed a moasuro which he said was of vital interest to the coantry. [Cheers ] Mr C. M. Gray—Beferring to the Local Option Bill-in the event of this Bill being carried with a compensation clause, I wish to ask Mr Eichardson where he is going to get the money to pay the publicans ? [A. Voice—" From the Good Templara."] Mr Bichardson —Of course the legislature which passes a Bill of this kind must make provision either by rating the districts or some other way for the money. For : my own part, I believe this, that the very fact of the Bill going on to the Statute Book will us having very many cases of this kind to provide for. Mr Gray—That is not at afl a satisfactory answer to my question. Is it to come out of local revenue or the general revenue. [A voice—- " Make the teetotallers pay it."] Mr Eichardson—No doubt it must come out of local revenue. Mr Gray—Who is going to assess the compensation to be paid. [A voice—" The Good Templars of course."J Mr Eichardson —Of course a competent Court will be established, similar, I should say, to those provided for under the Public Works Act, where there is compulsory taking of land. Mr Gray—Do you not think it would be simpler to leave compensation out of the question altogether. Mr Eichardson—l think that it is not a question of great importance per se, but I think to do r. 3 you say would bo to inflict hardships on individuals for the good of the State. These people have got their licenses under the tacit understanding that so long as they behave themselves they will go on from year to year. [Cheers.] I take it that it would be an injustice to put it on the statute book that one section of the community should bo able to take the licenses away for no fault. [Cheers]. Mr Gray—l should like to a9k Mr Eichardson if he has any sympathy with publicans to get compensation who sell liquors all day on Kunday. Mr Eichardson —That question I think answers itself, as a man who is selling all day on fc'unday breaks the law. [Cheers]. Mr Eichardson —There is another question which has been handed up to me which is a large one. It is thh —" Do you think the Bank oE New Zealand should bo the only Government Bank?" That is a very important question, and one which I see is being agitated upon throughout the country. It would have come before tho House to be dealt with if the session had lasted the ordinary length. I think it would be very desirable, both in the interests of the Bank of New Zealand and the interests of the colony if the account were divided. [Cheers, and a Voice: "No other Bank can take it."] Exactly. I was jas.t going to say that under the law, as contained in the Public Revenues Act it is provided thit the account shall be kept in such and such a way, and the Bank of New Zealand has laid itself ont to meet the Government in this matter. Such a change as this is not to be made in an honr. It is one which requires the earnest consideration of the Parliament, but I think it should be done. Mr Bichardson —I have got another qnestion here which has been put into my hand, and I thank an old friend for reminding mo of it, as I had forgotten it in my speech. It is on the question of cumulative voting, and is as follows :—" Will you give your views on cumulative voting?" I say moat certainly that I would not go in for the repe»l of the power of cumulative voting in the case of local boards dealing with local taxation. [Hear, hear.] I believe it is quite right that men who pay rates should have the power to say how they should be expended in proportion to the amount they contribute. [Cheers.] There is no power of cumulative voting, you will remember, for the General Assembly; only in cases of local boards, and I think there it should be exercised. [Cheers.] An Elector—ln the event of your return to Parliament, will jou advocate the taking of the votes of the peoplo as to whether they desire to have public-houses by ballot, and have them collected by an officer of the Government as in other elections? Mr Bichardson—l have always been in favor of taking all voting by ballot myself. [Cheera.] If the question alluded.to is put into a tangible shape 1 will vote for it. The simple remedy for the matter is making the districts under the Local Option Bill very much smsller. If the question of vote by ballot comes up I will support it. As to the Government carrying it out, they do so now. An Elector —As you compensate the publicans for loss of licenses, will you be in favor of compensating the cabmen when tramways are introduced in Christehurch. [Laughter.] Mr Eichardson —I think it would be a very hard case to prove that the cabmen will lose by the introduction of tramways. My. experience in other places is that they havo gained instead of lost. Mr Tremayne—l have, one question to ask Mr Eichardson, and it is this—Whether he did not vote for the extension of the lease of Crown land-), or what induced him to vote for the extension of leases of Crown lands in Canterbury from 18E0 to 18y0 ? Mr Eichardson —In the first place my friend has made a mistake. Thero is no such thing as leases of Crown lands in Canterbury. In Otago there is, but hero there is no fixity of tenure. [Cheers]. My friend, if he has the money in his pocket, can go and buy any run in the province of Canterbury. [Cheers.] I voted for the extension because I thought it was the best thing for the country. [A Voice—" For the squatters."] I don't think it is a very fair thing to howl out when the name of squatter comes up. [Cheera and hisses.] They have done their work and are doing their work now for tho good of the conntry. ["No, no."]. The rents, which have been much increased sinco this extension, have been fixed by a Government officer, under the supervision of tho. Government, who are to be satisfied that a fair charge to the extent of a rack rent has been imposed. I think lam right in stating that hundreds of thousands of acres will be open for sale when the increased amounts come into force. Mr Tremayne—l should like to ask Mr Eichardson whether it would not have been judicious for those who voted for it to have come to the people and asked their opinion on it before doing so ? Mr Eichardson —In this hall in 1876 I put this qnestion beforo you, and you approved then of the course I told jou I should take. [Cheers.] The question was ono which was made a prominent one at tho general election. Mr Tremayne—Would you support a Bill to this effect, that all Crown lands should be withdrawn by the present Parliament and cut up into small farms of say 300 or 350 acres, and sold on deferred payments ? Mr Bichardson—l suppose my friend did not hear me when I said that I would support any measure which would tend to open up the lands for sale on deferred payments. [Cheers.] I voted for the Land Bill in 1877, by which the Government proposed to cut up the land and sell it on deferred payments. The Mayor enquired if any other elector desired to ask any question, when there being no response, Mr W. Pratt, who was received with uproar on coming forward, said that he desired to move a vote of thanks and renewed confidence in Mr Bichardson as tho representative of Christchurch. [Cheera and dissent.! Mr L. E. Nathan seconded the motion. Mr Tremayne moved as an amendment — " That this meeting thanks Mr Eichardson for his address." He said that he did not think it right, that they should record a voto of confidence when they did not feel it. One of the great-topics.—[Uproar.] Ho considered it was

a mistake for Mr Bichardson to say that tho working men had not received any bene at. —[Renewed uproar.] A gentleman who name to the front of tho platform and stiuck a theatrical attitude, proceeded to second the amendment. On commencing his speech the uproar increased till he retired. The Mayor then proceeded to put tho amendment, explaining both it and the resolution. Mr Nathan then attempted to obtain a hearisg, bat was prevented by cheers and conntcr cheers for Mr Andrews and others. Mr Tremayne also attempted to speak, but was unable for somo time to get a heariag. He then explained his amendment. The Mayor then pnt the amendment ar.d resolution, and declared that the numbers were, so nearly equal that it was impossible to decide. [Loud cries of "No, no."] He would again put tbe question. [Uproar. | The question was once more put, and the Mayor said he made the number of hands hold up for tho amendment one hundred. [Cries of "Oh, oh, "and uproar.] The motion was then pnt, and the Mayor said that the numbers were as equal now as before. Uproar here ensued, amidst which those, on the platform commenced to leave the meeting, and the Mayor having left the chair, the proceedings terminated abruptly.