The Globe. THURSDAY SEPTEMBER 5, 1878.

Globe, Volume XX, Issue 1422, 5 September 1878, Page 2

The Globe. THURSDAY SEPTEMBER 5, 1878.

The propositi to establish triennial Parliaments in 2s r ew Zealand seems to find favor with the House of Representatives, and if the newspapers are any index of public opinion, with the peoplo of the colony also. Sir George Grey calls the present a great opportunity for introducing the change. His opinion on the subject was already well-known, and his Bill last session was thrown out rather through tho press of business, and the exigencies of party warfare, than because it had received any exhaustive consideration, and was rejected on its merits. That the Bill- will pass the Lower House this session seems highly probable, but that the Legislative Council will be equally well-disposed towards it is perhaps open to question, although there lias been no indication that that, body will show any hostility. That, the Council ■ml) either permit itself or bo permitted to croposo a permanent barrier to the intraduction of this or any other change for which die people of the colony have emphatically declared is not to bo believed. But in this particular case there has as yet been no such declaration. The question has indeed been referred to in a few post-sessional speeches, and since Dr. Wallis introduced his Bill many journals have expressed opinions favorable to the change onprimafacie grounds. But practically the xwoposal is undiscussed. Tho people have not realised that there is any likelihood of tho idea being drawn from tho region oi the abstract, and transformed

to an actuality. They have hitherto—that is those of them who have thought about the matter at all—beou contented to look upon the establishment of triennial Parliaments as a measure which, on tho faco of it and in theory, appeared to ho desirable on several grounds. But tlrny have never brought themselves to contoraplato tho change as one which was immediately impending, and of which it was necessary to weigh tiie cons as well as the pros. Thoy have no distinct conception of any other consequences to ariso from it than that it will bring members faco to faco with their constituents more frequently. This is tho main fact; on the probable ulterior results and indirect consequences the public Iwvo bestowed no attention whatever. Wo are very far from contending that tho one palpable effect will not outbalance in its beneficial consequences whatever counterweights may bo found set against it. But that is no reason why tho latter should bo neglected as unworthy of consideration Of these some are not difficult to find, or hard to bo appreciated. For instance, it is apparent that in proportion to tho frequency with which constituencies are consulted will be tho temptation to the Ministry of tho day to bribe them with the expenditure or promised expenditure of public money, and thus obtain the return of candidates favourable to the existing Government, That this form of bribery is already largely prevalent in Now Zealand, and that it has already cost tho country hundreds of thousands of pounds will hardly be denied by any political party, for all have used it in turn. But if the control of tho public expenditure was a powerful lover for moving constituencies in tho past with quinquennial Parliaments, it stands to reason that it will be yet moro powerful by two-fifths when tho general elections recur triennially. In order to nullify this objection it must be shown, either that tho constituencies havo since advanced so far on tho path of enlightenment as to be insusceptible to this species of solicitation, or that Ministers have become so highminded and immaculate that they would scorn to use it.

One other preliminary objection may bo incidentally referred to hero, namely, the expenso to candidates. Of the expense to the country nothing need be said, as that would be an inconsiderable trifle if any great and lasting advantage arose from the change. But the expense of a contested election to candidates, in a country where the majority are not men of independent means, cannot be so readily put aside. It is already a constant complaint that many of the best men in the colony are prevented from taking part in politics because they cannot aii'ord it. It becomes, therefore, a fair inference that any measure which increases the expense will yet further narrow the choice of representatives, and tend to throw the political power into the hands of an oligarchy. This, it may be urged, is an argument for the payment of members. And so it undoubtedly is. The payment of members would greatly lessen its force, whenever the colony shall agree that such payment is desirable on other grounds. But as yet there is no such agreement, and tho Government have declared themselves unwilling at present to allow tho question to bo considered. Consequently tho triennial parliament movement, so far from popularising power, will have a precisely opposite effect, Again, it may bo argued that when tho new Bribery Bill is carried, the expense of elections will be greatly diminished, that tho cost of coaches, the cost of travelling agents, and numerous other expenses, will bo saved, because it will bo then unlawful for candidates to incur them. Wo may say at once that we do not believe anything of the kind. Tor the last twenty years there has been on the Statute Book a provision against treating at elections with a view to influence votes. But everybody knows that the law is wholly ignored in practice simply because it is impossible to prove tho unlawful intention. The practico will neither bo increased nor diminished by Mr. Stout's Bill, and the same will, wo believe, be the case with most of the other electioneering expenses. When the Attorney-General finds a formula for compelling people conscientiously to obey a law which they can with the most perfect impunity evade, then ho will have solved the great problem of making people righteous by Act of Parliament, and will have vindicated his claim to bo considered something more than a clover well-meaning visionary.

But the main objection to the immediate introduction of triennial parliaments is that the electors have not been consulted on it. It is a purely gratuitous movement of reform or retrogression, as people may think. It is a radical change in the Constitution upon which there has been no expression of public opinion. Every ono of the arguments urged by the present Premier for delay in bringing the Abolition Bill into force until after a general election is equally applicable to the present case. Indeed they are more applicable because during the recess of 1874 there had been a very wide expression of public opinion as to the proposed measure. It was not brought down on a sudden, but after it had been duly announced, and every body know what was coming. In the case of the contemplated revolution there has boon no such announcement, and the Premier talks of seizing an opportunity as though ho were afraid of what to-morrow might bring forth, as though he were afraid, if he did not use his present majority to carry this revolution, that majority might fade away, or be less obedient before auothor session came round. There cau bo no doubt, if only it were in his nature to be consistent with his strongly oxpressed opinions of a few years ago. that ho would strenuously oppose himself to the introduction of so material a change in the constitution until the electors had been contested. What their opinion would 1)0 is, wo think, impossible to predicate with any certainty, for the reason that up to tho present time, not having considered the matter they have formed no opinion on it. But that is no reason why they should be deprived of the opportunity of doing so, and of their right to return representatives either to support or oppose the change as tho case may be, and if they are so deprived it is impossible to doubt that they will remember and resent the high-handed act whenever an election shall take place,