SIR G. GREY’S SPEECH ON THE ELECTORAL BILL.

Globe, Volume XX, Issue 1403, 14 August 1878, Page 3

SIR G. GREY’S SPEECH ON THE ELECTORAL BILL.

By Teleoeai’H. [fkom the correspondent of the press ] In speaking on the second reading of the Electoral Bill Sir George Grey was frequently inaudible from the reporters’ gallery, and therefore occasional hiatus occur in the report. He said : I wish that I bad felt strength to speak this night as I a 1 ould desire to speak on the great question which now occupies the attention of this House and of the country. I wish to place fully before you the p ana of the Government. I hope that this House will enable us to give effect to the measures prepared, which we believe will have a most benefic al effect on the country. I do not propose, sir, to-night to answer any arguments which have been used against this measure, nor do 1 intend to reply to tlie observations in reference to the Act. I ■ hall rather, with one single exception, cude ivor to put before the House clearly what my own views are as to the scope and limits of the measure, and what I believe will be i he advantages accruing to the country. !'ho one single exception which I shall make to the general rule I hive laid down for my guidance is this—the hon. member for Geraldine stated to the House that I h <d s Icnnly plelged mys If at Timaru to introduce this session a measure providing that those voters who had before exercised more than one vote should confine themselves to one single vote in one district, which they select in which they h ive property. Mow, gentlemen, I made no such pledge, f never had any intention to make any pledge of the kind, and the hon. member for Geraldine has fal en into a mistake. I h it s a question which 1 have carefully avoided. I have referred to the “ Timaru Herald’s” report of my speech, and made no reference of tin kind that has been quoted. The points to which I confined my ober vat ions were those of municipal districts and counties. I felt that to them the question was different. The vote of those districts was a personal vote, and, in addition cumulative votes wore added for property. ’! hose were the paints to which I directed my re m irks. But one feeling has occupied my mind during the last few days when discussion has gone on upon this measure. Where am 1? 1 have s lid to myself. Now the Government in preparing the Bill which has been laid he ore the ■ ouse, have prepared a measure which they thought would receive a totally different reception from that which this appears likely to receive from all pirts of the House. The late G ivernment solemnly declared last session that wbat the country required was politi al rest, and they a-ked the House to m ike no changes in those admirable measures which they had introduced, hut allow time for them to consolidate themselves. We found that this was even to affect taxation, and the question which was a burning question in every house 1 old must rot bo touched. This calm, this delightful repose was to bo allowed to develope all over New Zeal md, and those charming institutions which they h id prepared were to be allowed to wurk out. I know from many of my own fri nds I was not certain of re giving full support on the question of manhood suffrage because they did net fully understand the question, and therefore I was not prepared for the ni versa! assent which these proposals received from almost the whole of New Zealand. Now, Sir, it was with a feeling of gratitude I heard my lion, colicigue’s statement so different from ih >se wh ch emanated from the late Colonial treasure’. When I hoard my colleague st ite that providence had beneficently bestowed teeming r sources upon this country, and when f hoard him urge them to take care that they turned tho e resour ’es to a good account, I rejoiced at sentiments which wholly accorded with my own. I felt grateful to him, and 1 trust that unanimity prevails in the House on sentiments so eloquently and admirably brought forward. Sir, 1 now turn to the measure in its general aspect I will say this, that one great point in this Bill is what is called the “ re-iden-tiul qualification,” that is, that individuals arriving who do ire to exercise the franchise, must reside iu New Zealand for a certain time before being allowed to do to Universal or manhood suffrage has been adopted in various countries. In America the object was to establish a great centre of refuge for oppressed humanity, to which p°r ons of all nations might come, and upon arrival in which they might find themselves in a short time in the position of citizens. They had the objects of strengthening themselves, of founding a gre t country where liberty might obtain an abiding home. They knew that intercourse with different parts of the world at that time was very difficult, and the difficulty never presented itself that a flood of people might come in and obtain undue influence in the elections at the points at which they might arrive. But since then the world has opened. Thousands of foreigners have come in, and multitudes of Chinese, and the people of America have made efforts to get the system altered. They found it necessary to place certain checks upon the Chinese. No one who has not been born in the United States can he president. Fifteen years’ res donee is ncces ary to enable a m m to become a senator. Now Zealand is a country in itself: AustraTa is on one side, tho United States on the other, South America and tho Islands of the Pacific, and not very remote is China. There is every facility for an enormous population to flood in, and it becomes the inhibit ants to be careful not to confer the suffrage upon all persons who arrive in this colony, hut to sec that some period of residence is specified during which these people may show themselves anxious to become useful citizens and to know something of our affairs. I cannot regard this measure which I hold in my hand as being an isolated measure. It is cue of a consecutive scriei of measures which are being carried out. Myself and my friends have endeavored to obtain a charter of rights for the future for the whole of tho inhabitants of Now Zealand. This has been secured in part by ourselves and in part by those oppo-ed to us. When I say what lias been done 1 embrace the whole House in these words. I have in intention to arrogate the who’e honor and glory of it to myself. Wo have first of all

made this last, which to mymindisan admirable law. Henceforth every inhabitant of New Zealand in every part of New Zeal md shall have his share in the land fund of this colony. That is a fact accomplished, which cannot he gone back upon, and I feel that it is one of those triumphs which have been achieved by r ason, so tint there cannot be any reflux of public opinion regirding it. We have sa'd also that every chi d in New Zealand shall receive a free education, and that education of a very high order. I maintain this, ami in my own own mind I am s-iti lied of its perfect accuracy, that there is no other country in the world which lias at the present moment education so free as tins. I believe from the free spirit of this country that the education given in our common schools will be carried to a higher pitch thin in any other country in the world. That is the second charter of right. Next we propose to do now what 1 feel certain the House wid assist us to accomplish, that the law in New Ze.land shall be this, that every stride which this country makes in property, in wealth, in material progress, shall he a blessing to every community comprised in the society of this country. Wo say that, wherein in older countries, when the nation advanced in wealth, and property and enormous value was given to lands by increase of pormlation and expenditure of publ c funds, certain f mailies acquired great wealth, while millions had gained nothing; that while commerce prospered to an extent which was the marvel of the world, there wore millions of people who never 'know comfort in their lives, who never hid hopes of comfort in their old age, of providing in the meanest wav for their families. We say let the rich grow rich, hut every poor man shall benefit by that. This increase in wealth of the country shall give relief from taxation, and provide funds for education and relieve the many wants of the teeming millions who inhabit the country. That will ho the principle of the land law to be proposed to this Hon«e. We hope that what is called the unearned increment shall he open so that the hiast in the country shall acquire some share. If the House assists us in working out our policy these things will he achieved for all time. Such things having been secured, it is not too much for us to say to you who co ne into New Zealand ; “We welcome you ;we open our arms to receive yon. Make your home among ns, hut before you exercise the electoral franchise show that you intend to become citizens, show that you have at least obtained some slight knowledge of onr affairs.” These were the arguments which ju-tified the Government in following out the propos -Is I have made ( hose are the charters of right we propose to confer on those generations which are to follow—that every child horn in New Zealand will know this,* that at the ngc of twenty-one lie becomes an elector of this conn ry, has right to choose representatives and has a right to sit in this House. Now, think for one moment what this really in- ans. It s iems at first a triflin • measure. A few sheets of printed paper contain most important privileges. The Attorney-General told you ho calculated there would bo 1 :?,OOD adult males who would exercise the franchise. We cannot shut onr eyes to the fact that there are 70,000 adult males in this country who arc not on the electoral roll, or qnilitied to become members of this House. They are absolutely shut out by the present law. By the House adopting the measure row before it what do you do? You do this—You give them a vote as soon as this Bill passes. I ask—ls not this a valuable privilege r Sir, I have felt, in proposing this great basis of suffrage, that I have done that which is just and right, and I was backed up by the groat minds of Europe’s leading statesmen, who are all agreed that the extension of the franchise is the one great thing that should be done. They have made a mistake on one point. In reference to education they have net dwelt enough upon it. The passing of the first Representation Act was one of the greatest blessings that came upon a people. I recollect on one occasion Macaulay stating in the House of Commons that he he.ievid every man was entitled to the franchise, and derisive cheers rang from pillar to post. He (Macaulay) maintained that a sta*e of soc ; ety could exist in which universal suffrage wcual he the greatest possible blessing. “Would to God,” he said, “the pe >ple of England were free to enjoy such an act van’age. If wages were high, if employment plentiful if to pos ess a family were something that woul 1 cause the heart to be thankful to Providence, instead of creating a feeling of unbearable responsihility, if such wore the case universal suffrage might he established at once in England ” I think such a state of society can bo enn tituted, and I long to he one who aided to constitute a society of that nature. I shall find gallant gentlemen, men of enterprise and intelligence, ready to devise and carry into existence such measures, willing to sacrifice all personal desire for such a grand object. I say now that any measure for ole ;toral refo an brought forward will be ill-advised. An attempt is now being made and has a chance for success before it Let us reflect for one moment. It has been i aid by great men that a state of society such as 1 have alluded to can be brought ii to existence. 1 maint an .that there is no country that we are acquainted with that has such advantages for calling out such a st ito of soci -ty, such advantages for immigrants. Take its dim ite, soil, harbors, seas abound!, g with fish, lands cap Ale of yielding every kind of produce—nothing of the kind exists elsewhere in modern times. Take onr population. The country has attracted to it men of education more than I have ever seen in any other country. We have hero the very pick of the Anglo-Saxon race—not the first in one class, but in every class —the educated, tin laboring the artisan classes. Was there ever such an opportunity given before to man of founding a nation that would be an example to all time? One’thing simply is required on our part, that an effort be made to make and procure a gre t cb.rtcr for the liberties of the people. Of the broad basis of the suffrage is made such as this. It may be said, why hive wo not done ether things, I have no doubt that will be one argument used. Why is there uo provision made for the payment of members ? Wliy are the questions of a man exercising more than one vote, and payment of members of this House not dealt with. To the e things onr answer is—We have first to prepare a measure of electoral reform such as we think can succeed in being carried through. '1 hat was a ueces ity. Secondly, in truth lam not anxious to do too much at once. I am anxious that the people of New Zealand should do things for themselves. Ido not believe in the constitution being interfered with to an important extent without the people being properly represented. '1 he House hithe to had not properly represented the people of the colony. An une-institutional act hid been committed. lam anxious that first of all that we should secure a fair and proper representation for New Zealand. Let representations be returned to that House fairly representing the whole population. Dealing with these great questions at present left untouched, I myself am in favor of payment of members. lam in favor of single voting, but L have no de-ire for the country to adopt my views until it is fairly and properly represented in this House. 1 think it is bitter to delay these questions for perhaps two years at farthest. A period that would produce in the meantime little or no bad effect upon the country. If the electoral rolls could be made up to the mark at once, then I should say lot it be so done. But that you know is a physical impossibility. I have no doubt that in the measures Lid down wo will find ardent followers following in our footsteps. Therewillbenog ingbackward <. There will be property votes till such basis will ie swept away. They will not be allowed to continue, anil it was for that a career of progress Ims been entered upon, and that career must be followed up. It will at last become incredible that, opinions such as I have _ hoard uttered, such as I have heard maintained, could have been uttered, could ever have been seriously maintained. Now-, having said this much, I will just conclude with some few remarks to those hon. gentlemen upon whose as-istauce I re'.ied, and do still rely, in the passing of this measure. Some people thought that this Bill did not offer advantage enough. Some are for plain manhood suffrage, that a man should come and vote a few days after he comes into the colony. Some delusive scheme of that character was only intended to separate us, to cause division and discussion amongst ns. I say, let not any such man come in here to separate ns from each other. We arc chosen to carry out a great work. I am very grateful for the assistance you have given me. We are determined to accomplish this great work. We have the country with us. AVc felt we were entitled to the support of the country. Wo felt that we have a struggle. Let ns achieve the good wo have begun. Let us accomplish it for New Zealand, and obtain a law that will last for ever, that will be handed down to posterity in the name of those m n who assisted in carrying out such great measures. There is a blank page in the history of New Zealand, and the first names that will be written in that blank page are names tli it will never die. We are determined to do good service and therefore 1 t us strive to be enrolled in i hat gr, at list of men whose names will live lor ever.

Tlii* Premier sit down amid cheers from all parts of the Koine, tho public ami ladies in the gallery joining in.