The Globe. WEDNESDAY, MAY 22, 1878.

Globe, Volume IX, Issue 1302, 22 May 1878, Page 2

The Globe. WEDNESDAY, MAY 22, 1878.

In that portion of the speech in which Mr. Reid criticised the policy of the present Government, he exposed their weakness and inconsistency in the most merciless manner. They have, he said, two policies—" One which tho Premier proclaims from tho housetops, and another which his colleagues whisper across the banquet table —For example, Sir Goorge Grey assures the Assembly and the people at Wellington that they are to have a strong central Government, with its seat at Wellington. Mr. Macandrow, in Sir George Grey's presence at a banquet at Dunedin, hints at an alteration in the Constitution, in tho form of Provincial Government. This Mr. Ballanco, at Marton, denies, and says that there is no such intention, but that they accept the will of the people. Then, again, Grey declares we are to have new laws and equal rights; while Colonel Whitmoro asserts the Government is to be Conservative." Had ho been in possession of tho full text of Mr. Ballance's speech Mr. Reid might easily have made a great deal more of this part of his subject. Ho might have compared Sir G. Grey's speeches on tho franchise question with the authoritative utterances of the Minister of Education at Marton, who explained that in the new Bill " the franchise by right of property would be reretained, as it was held that any man should have a vote for property wherever that property existed." (2) " That the residential qualification meant that every man who had been resident in tho colouy for two years should bo entitled to vote, provided that, after having been, say, three or six months in any one district ho applied to have his name registered as a voter, and then ho must be able to sign his name to tho claim." Now there is not the slightest ambiguity in the above extracts. We have the authority of Mr. Ballanco for tho statement, that not only is the right to vote for property to be retained in tho new Government measure, but evory man is to have a vote for property, wherever that property exists. What then becomes of thoso eloquent denunciations of plural voting in which tho Premier has b en indulging during the past few months ? Either there is a split in tho Cabinet on tho point, which should lead to tho retirement of tho minority, or Sir Georgo Grey has been humbugging tho colony—misleading his hearers, in fact, on a most important point of policy in order to win the applause of tho multitude for tho moment. But to return to Mr. Reid's speech. Ho next shows the inconsistency of the present Government as regards their financial proposals, for after disputing /the correctness of Major Atkinson's figures, and etatiug that they were UI&U

fiod, they adopted those estimates "as thoroughly accurato in every respect." Wo need not follow Mr. Reid in that part of his spoech in which ho shows how much Canterbury and Otago lose by the colonialisation of the land fund. Our readers are but too familiar with the fact. Nor need wo dwell upon his defence of the action taken with rogard to tho Canterbury runholdors, nor reproduce the reasons why, in his opinion, tho Premier should bo censured for his conduct with regard to the Land Bill. On those and other questions Mr. Reid spoko out in no uncertain tone. Indeed the whole speech is characteristic of the man. It is manly and straightford, and its tone is uniformly high. Wo cannot, therefore, but rogard Mr. Reid's retirement from tho Houso of Representatives as a great loss to tho colony at largo and to tho district of Otago in particular.

The announcement mado in last evening's telegrams that tho Russian Government have purchased tho steamers City of Sydney and State of California from tho Pacific Mail Company, and that negotiations are pending for two others, proves that whatever tho result of tho present diplomatic battle may bo, Russia is doing her best to bo in a position to damage the commerce of Great Britain, should war unfortunately after all como about. If a number of such vessels as we have named were armed, commissioned, and manned as legitimate men-of-war, they might manage to elude tho British fleet, and do incalculable damage to the trado of Great Britain and her colonies. The seaborne commerco of the Australian colonies, it is said, now amounts to £90,000,000 sterling per annum, and the havoc a few armed vessels could do to it, cau easily bo imagined. Then thoro is tho remoter contingency of Russia resorting to privateering, although in spite of tho announcement that subscriptions are being raised with that object, we can hardly think that she would venture to take such a stop. By tho Treaty of 1856 privateering was put down, and Great Britain, Prussia, Franco, Austria, Russia, Turkey, and Italy agreed to prohibit private pooplo fitting out vessels to plunder an enemy's shipping. Tho Declaration of Paris was as follows: 1. Privateering is and remains abolished. 2. The neutral flag covers enemy's goods, with the exception of contraband of war. 3. Neutral goods, with tho exception of contraband of war, are not liable to capture under the enemy's flag. 4. Blockades, in order to be binding, must be effective; that is to say, maintained by a force sufficient really to prevent access to the coast of the enemy.

Were Russia now to tolerate privateering she would bo dofying the voice of united Europe, and were England to carry out her threat, as no doubt she would, to treat the crews of all such vessels as pirates, the prospect would not be a pleasant one to those engaged in the enterprise. Our cruisers would mako short and sharp work with such enemies.

The permanent Secretary of the Board of Trade has published an interesting article in one of the magazines on the strength of England. A Melbourne contemporary publishes a summary of it, from which we gather the following facts: —" Tried by every test," the writer says, "our resources are greater absolutely and relatively than they ever were. Our capacity for offence and dofence is far greater than it ever was; and it must be added that the interests which we should place at stake by war are also far greater." Since 1840, the export of British produce has risen from £51,309,000 to £200,639,000, and the tonnage of the mercantile navy from 2,724,000 to 6,197,000 tons. Comparing our resources with those of Russia, wo find that while the revenuo of Great Britain rises with the greatest ease to £80,000,000 per annum, and without any undue strain could be raised to £100,000,000, that of Russia is £71,000,000. The banking capital of Russia is about £100,000,000, that of England £800,000,000. England can borrow money to any extent at 3£ per cent, from her own people. Russia has to go abroad to do so, and has to pay 6i per cent. It is pointed out that the annual savings of England, amounting to £240,000,000, would furnish the means of "waging war on the largest scale of . magnitude imaginable, and would enable her to subsidiso her allies to any extent." The writer therefore comes to the conclusion that England " is for purposes of offenco and defence, far stronger, not only positively, but proportionately to other nations, than it was at the time when it carried on tho struggle against the gigantic tyranny of Napoleon."

The announcement made elsewhere that Russia continues to mass troops nearer Constantinople and Gallipoli, proves that the danger is far from over. Tho other day it was stated that tho dofonces of Constantinople were being pushed forward under the direction of English officers in tho service of tho Porte. It is evident, therefore, that any attempt to occupy tho capital would most likely be resisted by tho Turkish forces. That they are in a position to do so now is proved by the following statement of the Turkish position, supplied by tho Vienna correspondent to the Times so long »go as March 26th. Ho says : By the retreat of the Roumelian army and the evacuation of tho fortresses of the Quadrilateral all that remains of the Turkish field force has gradually been moved down to the capital and its neighborhood, where it is now united with the garrison of Constantinople and most of the troops which had been collected to defend the lines of Tchataldja. According to the estimate of competent persons, this fighting force, garrisoned in and around the capital and in various places on the Asiatic side of the Bosphorous, and on the Sea of Mamora, amounts to rather over 60,030 men at tie lowest figure, besides which there are some 25,000 concentrated at Salonica, and from 10,CGD to 12.C30 men about Gallipoli and the lines of Bulair, After their hasty and disorderly retreat, and under the effects of defeat and humiliation, these troops, it is true, can scarcely be supposed to be in first-rate condition ; but the material is good, and there has been time for them to recover, a process which goes on with Turkish soldiers far more rapidly than with others. Well clothed and fed, with a few good officers to lead them, these troops still at the disposal of Turkey and for the most part concentrated around the capital might, especially at first, exert a decisive influence on the courso of events in a collision between England and Russia ; not to speak of the Turkish fleet, the co-operation of which, under able lenders on one or other side, would likewise not be despicable in a struggle primarily, of course, aiming at the possession of the Straits, Ooustauti* nople, and tiie Black Sea.