The Globe. SATURDAY, APRIL 6, 1878.

Globe, Volume IX, Issue 1264, 6 April 1878, Page 2

The Globe. SATURDAY, APRIL 6, 1878.

Notwithstanding the explanation given by the Premier on the subject, when he addressed the electors in the Oddfellows' Hall, few, we think, will bo satisfied with the present defenceless condition of the colony. It is generally felt that something should be done, and that speedily, to place our principal harbours in such a position as to be comparatively safe against the visit of a hostile cruiser. But while all are agreed that something should be done the great difficulty is what it should be, and who is to do tho work. The Premier, when in Christchurch, told us why he declined the services of Sir W, Jervois. He was of opinion that the money which tho visit would cost would be better spent in doing everything in his power to make our harbours "great emporiums of commerce, which the ships of the whole world may visit with safety." He then went on to enlarge upon the great importance of improving our harbours, and of making them fit to do a large export and import trade. The expenso of defence he said impoverished a nation for a possible war, the other enriched the nation for all time " by the expenditure of money on one of the grandest and noblest objects which can occupy the attention of the greatest nation." With every desire to give the Premier credit for endeavoring to do what he regarded as his duty on that occasion, it is impossible to shut our eyes to the fact, that his explanation was no defence of his conduct at all. It is no doubt very desirable indeed that our harbours should be made great emporiums of commerce, but a desire to do so does not relieve us of the responsibility of taking steps to defend tbem against tho attack of a hostile ship. Indeed, the more our commerce is extended tho more necessity is there for defensive works. The question is, not whether Sir W. Jervois or Sir John Coode should be invited to report on our harbours, but shall we take any steps at all to protect our " emporiums" of trade against destruction by the enemy in the event of war P Commercial men do not usually regard what they pay in insurance as lost money. It is not a reproductive expenditure in the ordinary sense of tho word, but it is nevertheless paid ungrudgingly by all prudent men. The outlay on defensive works should be looked upon in a similar light. The actual money sunk will not return interest, but it may be the means of saving millions' worth of property, gathered in the various " emporiums" of commerce throughout the colony. To put it in another light, what would be said of the sanity of a merchant who imported a largo and valuable stock of merchandise, but neglected to build a warehouse capable of protecting his goods against the midnight thief —who said" the expenditure upon stone and lime, upon doors and locks, is not reproductive ! I will save that amount and spend it in the purchase of additional goods which, when sold, will return a profit." The sanity of euch a man would be called in question. Yet the conduct of the Government of New Zealand is very similar. Our ports

expensive works have been erected there to facilitate trade. Apart from the goods and shipping, the buildings which could bo destroyed in Auckland, Dunedin, Wellington, and Lyttelton alone would represent an enormous sum. Why, then, should tho colony act differently from a private individual ? Did the whole of New Zealand belong to one man, ho would take very good care that no risk, such as we are liable to at the present moment, were run. Why, then, should we allow the Ministry (who are supposed to represent tho people of the colony) to incur such a grave responsibility ? Can nothing be done to rouse our rulers from the culpable apathy into which they have sunk ? When, at any moment, war may be declared, is it not the height of folly to wait quietly, as if there were no danger, or as if our ports were secure against any attack? It is our boast that we are founding, in these seas, a nation whoso institutions are modelled upon those of the parent state. What is good in them we profess to have adopted, and what is bad rejected. But our boasted free institutions will have done but little for us, if they produce in us a spirit of careless indifference to the honour and good name of our adopted home. There is great danger of such a result. If by neglect, and through a spirit of paltry economy, we tempt the visit of the enemy's war ships, in tho event of war, we shall probably be tho only colony which has, without opposition, allowed the honour of the British empire to be trampled in tho dust. But such an event would, we believe, bo intensely humiliating to the vast majority of the people of New Zealand. It will be, not so much the inhabitants who are to blame, as the Ministry of the day, if such a disgrace happens to us. It is perfectly evident that nothing but the, most emphatic expression of public opinion will rouse our rulers to action. The sooner, therefore, that Sir G. Grey is taught, in an unmistakable manner, that wo still regard ourselves as a portion of the Empire, having common interests and common aspirations with the mother country, the better it will bo for all, and that however great an honour it is to have, as a Premier, Sir G. Grey, it is a greater to be citizens of Great Britain.