The Globe. SATURDAY, MARCH 23, 1878.

Globe, Volume IX, Issue 1252, 23 March 1878, Page 2

The Globe. SATURDAY, MARCH 23, 1878.

In his speech at Akaroa on Wednesday afternoon that great master in the art of " trimming," Mr. Montgomery, has outdone his former performances. Of course all who have watched the political career of that gentleman expected that he would make the most of Sir G. Grey's visit. Accordingly on Saturday evening he seized the opportunity of moving a vote of confidence in the Ministry, but, true to Lis instincts, carefully explained that the resolution did not mean a vote of confidence at all, that it was only to be understood as implying that Ministers were honest in their professions. But encouraged perhaps by the warm reception which Sir G. Grey met with in Akaroa,

Mr. Montgomery has ventured to advance a stop further. He still of course is halfheated and hesitating, as if halting between two opinions, but a perusal of his speech gives one the impression that, with a little more encouragement, he might be induced to commit himself as far as it is in his nature to commit himself to anything, to what he is pleased to call the -cause of " liberalism." The high sounding and empty phrases of the Premier have evidently a great charm for Mr. Montgomery. He likes to talk of the " holy cause" of the freedom of the people, which every ono of them rich or poor, young or old, should strenuously advocate. He has also succeeded in picking np some of the rhetorical tricks of his chief. " Sir G. Grey, and those acting with him" [Mr. Montgomery of course among the number], he said, " declared that every man who had independence of •character, ability and hearty honesty of pluT ose > and who was ready to take part in the affairs of the country, should, if he enjoyed the confidence of his fellowcitizens, rise to any position without being barred by any social distinctions." The transparent claptrap of the above statement scai"cely requires exposure. We need but point to the House of Representatives in illustration. Do any of its members owe their seats to social distinctions ? Have not the constituencies always returned men whom they regarded as the best, irrespective of social rank ? Has not every man of independence of character, ability and honesty of purpose, an opportunity of rising to any position in Now Zealand at the present time? But nevertheless Sir G. Grey and those acting with him, declare that it is their aim to bring about a state of things which exists already, and thus secure a little cheap popularity. But, although Mr. Montgomery is evidently prepared to take full advantage of what ho regards as the growing popularity of the Grey party, he is careful to secure his retreat. He is anxious of course to be on what appears to be the winning side, but he is not altogether confident of the future. During the last few weeks Sir G, Grey has been preaching his political creed from one end of the colony to the other. He has told the people that his great measures are manhood suffrage, a change in the incidence of taxation, and more "liberal" land laws, and, as a supporter of the Government, Mr. Montgomery sees "no evidence whatever of class legislation in their measures." But, having said so much, ho immediately proceeds to insult the Ministry and retract everything. So he calls upon the people, if the Bills embodying the measures of the Government are not for the good of the country, if they are class measures, if they are calculated to raise the poor above the rich or the rich above the poor, to raise their voices against them. Yet he had a few minutes before declared that he saw no evidence of class legislation in the measures of the Government. And the members of the Ministry are, in Mr. Montgomery's opinion, " honorable men." These honorable men have told us what their measures are, and that they will be brought down in legal form when the House meets. Mr. Montgomery, approves of them, but when they take a legal form they may be found to be class measures after all which require to be opposed, not on details, but on their general principles. Fancy an English statesman, after the policy of his leader had been enunciated in a great speech, telling his constituents that he thoroughly approved of the measures which were to be introduced, but he reserved to himself the right of opposing them, when they appeai'ed in legal form, because they might embody principles the very opposite to those enunciated by their introducer. The idea is inconceivable. But all things ai*e possible in New Zealand. Ministerial journals ai'e often angry because those belonging to the Opposition hint that Sir G. Grey is unreliable. What will they say to one of the great champions of the Grey party, proclaiming thefsame fact ? Mr. Montgomery in effect says, " Gentlemen, the measures Sir G. Grey proposes to introduce meet with my entire approval. There is no evidence of class legislation about them. But don't trust the Premier too far. Be ready if necessary to find in the Bills when introduced, some concealed attack upon your liberties. They may as likely as not attempt to raise the poor above the rich as the rich above the poor. At any rate be on your guard. As far as I am concerned I am just now a supporter of the Government. They are on the winning side at present. But if I find that the tide is turning, I may discover in their measures an attempt to raise one class above another, so I give you notice that I reserve to myself the right of exercising my private judgment, and deserting the ship if it is sinking." Before long Mr. Montgomery will find out that he is playing a dan serous game. He is fast acquiring a political character which will utterly destroy his future usefulness, and make him the most distrusted of public men.