The Globe. SATURDAY, MARCH 9, 1878.

Globe, Volume IX, Issue 1250, 9 March 1878, Page 2

The Globe. SATURDAY, MARCH 9, 1878.

The address of Sir G. Grey iu the Dunedin Theatre last evening appears to have been, to a considerable extent, a repetition of speeches delivered by him in other parts of the colony. It differed, however, in one important particular. In the centre of what was once the hotbed of provincialism, he did not fail to remind his hearers of what, in his opinion, they had lost by abolition. "It was proposed, " he said, speaking of the time when Otago was founded, " that Otago should be occupied by a hardy and vigorous race, and that they should enjoy a free and enlightened constitution, and with the assistance of the leading statesmen of England and the British Parliament, a Constitution was framed enabling the people to exercise political rights, and enjoy almost freedom. For years they had enjoyed free and liberal institutions. No disasters occurred in consequence, but a development of the resources of the colony, affl<J growth of happiness and contentment ensued unprecedented in the history of the British Colonies. These institutions were swept away, and ;he asked were the new ones such as became free men; were they likely to conduce to peace and happiness? " From the above passage, we would naturally conclude that Abolition had coinpietehy phanged the Constitution, and that Sir G. .Grey's measures were to supply the phu# ; o£ the provinces. It is difficult to iijuderiitaud how an extension of the franchise will have this effect, The provincial councils were returned by the same ej##rs who returned the members of the HfcpflP of Representatives. The electoral districita W& 6 different in size, but the qualification wa# the same. If our present Constitution was 00$ jsueh as became freemen, how were provincial institutions "free and liberal?" If the minority rule now, the minority ruled iu each provincial council ■also. %&, ,we are told, that Abolition deprived the people of New Zealand of self "government. Tu the extension of the franchise as supplying a substitute for the abolished provinces >+ to talk nonsense. There are few people in Zealand, we should imagine, who would oppu*e a reasonable extension of the franchise. It is jnpst, desirable that every intelligent taxpayer should basse a voice in the management of the affairs or the country. The difficulty is where to draw the line. At times, Sir G. Grey talks as if he wanted avejPy .adult male in the colony to haA'e a vote. At another, he proposes to impose conditions. At one time he appears to insist on the right .of every man who contributes to the taxation qi the coun r try to have a voice in the management of public a#a.ir,s. At another time he tells us that it is sidy that portion of the population who hays posided for twelve months within an eleetovaj. district who is to have a vote. This limitation at once cuts tho ground from under his feet when ho maintains that every one who contributes to the revenue should have a vote. If contributing to the revenue is to constitute a right to vote, no sooner does a man

set his foot on our shores than he has acquired it. The sailor who spends his hard-earned wages in getting drunk on shore has contributed something to the revenue. And why restrict the right to men of twenty-one years of ago and upwards ? In the colonies our youth are cast adrift on their own account, and have to provide for themselves, and thereby contribute to the revenue, long before they reach the ago of twenty-one. Again, if contributing to the revenue is to be proof of qualification to vote, why does Sir G. Grey not include women? The truth is that his arguments, if carried to their logical conclusion, would necessitate the granting of the franchise to many whom even ho would refuse to recognise. If a twelve months' residence is to be insisted on and registration carefully guarded, his measure may meet with but little opposition. The introduction of such a limitation is an admission, that something more than contributing to the revenue is mixed up with the question. It recognises the element of interest. The man who rosides in an electoral district for twelve months continuously gives; a proof, as a < general rule, that he is attaching himself to the*soil, that he is seeking to acquire a stake in the country. This is one element of qualification. Another is the disposition, the desire, to judge rightly and patriotically of public questions. Other reasons might be given, but they all tend to show that the right to vote depends on conditions. Another point of which Sir G. Grey makes much is, that every man should have only one vote. If we accept his principle that all men, as such, have a right to vote, we would perhaps have to yield this position. But, if every man must prove his qualification before the is admitted to the privileges of the franchise, the case is different. As we have pointed out before, the name of Mr. Gladstone is being always used in connection with Sir G. Grey's advocacy of his reform measures. Yet Mr. Gladstone is very far from affirming that all men should have an equal vote. He quotes with approval Mr. Burke's saying that the right of governing lies in wisdom and virtue. While it is easy, he says, to maintain that each man may with advantage have some share of political power, it is unreasonable, nay absurd, as he thinks, to hold in the abstract that all ought to have an equal share. After pointing out that the authority of mind is vindicated, as a a political element, by giving a certain number of seats in Parliament to our Universities, he says that the rude and unsatisfactory, but practically available criterion of property has assigned to mind a considerable sphere of direct operation, through plurality of franchises, which no one wishes to disturb. Instead therefore of finding fault with the system which enables a man to have a vote in more districts than one, Mr. Gladstone looks upon it is as advantage.