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THE ELECTIONS.

MR REEVES AT LEESTON. Mr W. Reeves addressed the electors at toe's hotel, Leeston, last Thursday. There was a very large attendance, the room being filled. Mr A. Frankish was moved to the chair, and briefly introduced Mr Reeves, requesting on behalf of Mr Beeves a quiet and patient hearing while he gave them an account of his past actions. Mr Reeves, who was warmly received on eoming forward, said that on many previous occasions he had had the pleasure of meeting the electors in that room, but never met so large an assemblage as on the present occasion. He took this as an evidence of the great interest felt by the public in the public affairs of the colony. He was no longer their memfcsr, but he came before them to give an account of his stewardship, and as a candidate for re-election, and he thought when he had laid before' them his actions he should be entitled to ask them for a renewal of their confidence. When he met them a year ago he had told them what had been done in the Parliament of 1874, and what would be his intentions in the Parliament just closed. He would take np but a little of their time in referring to the past session, but if he took up their time in referring at some length to the great question now before the country, he felt sure they would not object, as the matter was one of the deepest interest not only to the province but to the whole colony. [Cheera.] When the matter J was before the country he told them that he ! objected to an expiring Parliament making tuch a radical change in the constitution of the colony, and also that he objected to one part of the colony only being affected by it. Rather than this he would oppose it in every way, though he was opposed to such extreme measures as the separation of the colony. Well, he had carried out the pledge he then gave, and with a small minority had succeeded in relegating the question to the constituencies of the colony. L Cneers «l When they met in Wellington they were told by his Excellency that the Government wonld submit Bills for the abolition of the provinces in the North Island, and that the House would be invited to consider if it should go further. This evidently showed that the matter had not been considered from this point of view by the Government during the recess. After a fortnight the pills waft brought is for the abolition of the

pro v'ices in the Middle Island; although alter the c>o'3 o? the cxiion, the Gjvernment had Bolemoly d 1 33'1 thesis slves t> fcbr',3 th ; ngs —v'z, that they wou'd not propose abortion in the Middle Island, that the compact of 1856 should be resp-xt' 3., and that the tsat of Govexaoieni should ba retained where it was. He had oppoe: i the Bill ai he had said he would, and would have done so had it been a better Bill than it wc, and he had done so b' cause he it only right that the people should be consulted on the matter. But had it been a perfect Bill, he should have opposed it, but it was a most imperfect one; and besides this the Government in this matter broke the pledge given by the Government that the compact of 1856 should be respected. Now the Premier had stated distinctly that no portion of the land fund should taken for railway puiposes, but the Bill proposed to take a very large amount for this purpose, and bes'des this, the residue was taken from the Provincial Councils or local bodies and placed in the hardq of the General Assembly, thus making it colonial revenue. He had opposed it for this and other reasons, move especially because it proposed to issue Treasury Bills for the suppoit of those provinces who were unable to raise sufficient revenues, thereby perpetuating a most mischievous practice. Then again he opposed it becauss it was proposed to make the endowments for municipalities chargeable on the revenue; a fallacious promise, which he thought any Government would find it quite impossible to carry out. He had also opposed the Bill, because it proposed to substitute nominee agents for Superintendents and Provincial Councils, which was in his mind quite opposed to the true interests of the people. [Cheers.] He had joined the Opposition, the great principle of which was, that a moribund Parliament should not make so great a change without the consent of the constituencies, which had been obtained by the Opposition. The Government combated their arguments, and the Premier took up some hours to prove that it was not necessary to to appeal to the constituencies. But the devoted and independent action of the Opposition, backed by public opinion, had proved too strong for the large majority, and the result was that the constituencies of the colony had an opportunity of expressing their opinion upon it. If he required any justification for his action, he had it from a most unexpected source. The first of the Ministers representing a Canterbury constituency had said at a meeting held the previous night, as follows: —" It was proposed that the Bill should come into operation in November last, but owing to the Opposition in the House it was postponed until the end of next session, with the object—an object which no one can say was not perfectly right —that you, the electors of this City and the electors of the whole Colony, if they wished, could expiess their opinions upon it." How that gentleman could reconcile these words with the action of the Government, who had compelled them to fight the Bill clause by clause and word by word almost, he (Mr Reeves) did not know, but there the words of that gentleman were. They were now in the midst of the election, and he asked them to look at the position. On one hand they had it suggested that all the departments of legislation should be in the hands of the General Government agents, leaving them nothing but Boad Boards and municipalities. The ultra-provincial party proposed a Federal Government in Wellington, with insular separation; the provincial divisions dealing with their local matters, and the Federal Legislature with general. Between these two was a middle party, who proposed that their institutions should be modified to meet the change. Now he said that this diversity of opinion showed cl arly the necessity of the Bill being relegated to the constituencies. Had the Bill been pressed through, most disastrous results might have followed, not here in this province, but in the provinces at the extreme ends of the island. They would not have submitted to have had their individuality swept away by a majority of the Assembly. [Cheers.] If a majority of the representatives of the people were returned in favor of abolition, he should accept the result. But he believed that it would be far better to accept a middle course and make their institutions adapted to their changed position. [Cheers.] This was a middle course, and one which eight years ago, when he went into the Assemb'y, he had advocated. He still held the opinion that it should be better to simplify their institutions, and not sweep them all away without knowing what to put in their place. He believed if this were done as he now advocated, they would sweep away the objections which had been raised agpinst Provincial Governments. If the Assembly were to take the matter in hand, passing a Bill, defining the subjects upon which the Councils might legislate. He believed it would be a great thing for the colony, because he believed this could not be undertaken by the Assembly. Such business j as this, which had been called parish business, could not be done by the Assembly, and if called upon to do it, it would take up so much time as would render the sessions unbearable. He wished to see the farce of governing by parties in the provinces done away with—[hear, hear J —and also salaried executives. The business now done by the latter could be done by nnpaid officers, appointed by the Council, whose advice might be given to the Superintendent. This, he thought, would be productive of great good. Provincial Government had fallen into disrepute latterly, but he said this, that for excellence of results and economy it would compare favorably with the General Government. It had been freely stated that it was impossible to carry on Provincial Governments for financial reasons, but none of the arguments brought forward had brought conviction to his mind, because he asserted that their work had been done more economically than the Central Government; and if the reforms he had indicated were carried out, the cost would be much diminished. Another charge brought against the provinces was that of log-rolling; but he said that, so long as the Go* vernment had money to spend so long would there be log-rolling, whether they had provinces or provincial districts. Besides, it appeared after all that log" rolling was not inherent to Provincial Councils. [Hear, bear.J He felt it likely that provincial institutions would cease, a tiling which he much regretted, but he had endeavored to show them in what way it would be better to simplify and adapt them. He contended that the provincial system did not get fair play, because it had been for years a strife between the two systems. Now, for the future he told them this, that the battle ground would be centralism versus

de2enivp''ism, fid he sho;- d 'nvt '&o\t tj footid on the e'de of th( e who w e 'n favor of d'«i-i-. ' ax. He thought thatbecou'd not do bii.3? >ban j,lve the opinions oj the qu- ,j'on of centrclism by a gentfemt.n who bad lpvge exp-nience in the matter, ?ud who was now in London. He alluded to Mr Sewell. That gentleman had written a let!: ~i for publication reviewing the whole question, and stating his opinion that if the provinces were abolished nothing remained but centralism. He, however, showed the disadvantages of the system, and they had evidently produced a different effect on Mr Sewell's mind to what they had on his (Mr Reeves's) mind, as he (Mr Reeves) was of opinion that they were so grave that he felt they militated altogether against the acceptance of centralism. He would read them what Mr Sewell said. | Read.J The letter was published, he migac say, in one of the papers. He had stated that these arguments which had been brought forward in support of the presumption that centralism was the only remedy made him object to it. Mr Stevens also took the same view as Mr Sewell in an able and exhaustive speech, but condemned the General Government in almost as strong terms as Mr Sewell. This would, had he not been of the opinion before, have led him to believe that a central form of Government was not conducive to the best interests ot the country; |Cheers.] What advantages did they gain by removing the control of the Government from the people? Mr Sewell said they would get simplicity, Mr Stevens increased parliamentary responsibility. He (Mr Reeves) did not see any set off to the evils which must come from these advantages. How were they to get increased Parliamentary re- 1 sponsibility ? Let them look at the past and see what had been done by it. Two years ago Mr Fox's Ministry was unseated very largely on account of the members of the Ministry travelling up and down this and other colonies. By this the House laid down the rule that Ministers should remain at Wellington and discharge their duties. Now in 1874 the ex-Premier left the colony and remained away for eighteen months, and was still away. His colleagues last session told the House that he had told them of hit intention to go home, but they did not tell the House. Where was the Parliamentary responsibility ? Then again the same gentleman had been drawing large sums of money without any consultation with the House. Did Parliamentary responsibility save them from that ? Then there was the very flagrant case of the San' Francisco mail contract, which they were aware of, and all this happened only a short time after a Government had been turned out for the same fault. ["Cheers.] Well, they were told that if they placed all power in the hands of the central Government, they would have a perfect form Government, and they would get what Mr Sewell called simplicity, and what Mr Stevens looked for, Parliamentary responsibility. These were the reasons why he opposed it. They sought to put the control of their jails, their hospitals, their lunatic asylums, and their police in the hands of the central authorities, although they had hitherto been well and ably conducted by their local authorities. Thus so far from giving them more power, he should go in to decentralise the power they had. If it was intended by the Government, as stated by Mr Richaidson, to decentralise the government in the provincial districts, they would find in him a supporter ; but if, as he suspected, a majority was returned who would support the Government in their centralising policy, they would find in bim a steady opponent. [Cheers.J He stated this most distinctly, and he said he would go to that House as an indeoendent member. If it were intended by the Government to centralise all power, all legislation, in their hands, he should oppose them ; but it it was intended to carry out a centralising policy, to give them such local self-government and such departments j.b were now so ably carried on by the provincial authorities he should give his assistance so far as possible to make such a measure as this practicable and applicable to their wants. ("Cheers J He would now refer to education—a subject which was most important not only to them but the colony at large. He had no need to take up their time by enforcing the necessity for a general system of education. A system had been established here which was a model for other colonies, and if education were taken over by the General Government it would be his endeavor to see the system now in force here applied to the whole colony. Therefore he might say at once that he was in favor of State education—free, as far as regarded elementary education, compulsory (in towns or places where practicable), and secular. Being so, he again said that he was in favor of education being paid for out of the resources of the colony. [Cheers.J Now, with regard to what was to be done with the runs in 1880, and here he might say that he had been looked on as an enemy of the pastoral tenants, but he failed to see how this could be done, for he had done nothing to warrant such a thing. He thought that the thing was capable of easier solution than had been made of it. There had been great mistakes about the tenure of these runs. There were no leases; there were licenses to occupy, renewable year by year, on payment of a certain rent on a fixed day. The only arrangement made with the tenants was that a certain rent should be paid to a certain date. There had been some legal point raised which he would not speak upon, but he said this, if an increased rent was put on the holders had an equitable right to still hold on tendering and paying the rent so increased. It had been proposed to subdivide these runs and to put them up by auction, but both of these systems in his opinion would be a great mistake. [Cheers. I What the Government had to see was, that ample justice was done to all parties. One great objection to the putting up these runs to auction was that many of these runs were mortgaged, and a glance at the list would give the information that the runs were centred in a few hands, mostly bankers or agents, for large financial companies. If these runs were to be put up these parties would from their large capital and their «nall numbers be able to keep out any independent capitalist, and would get the runs at their own price. He saw no process which would so effectually prevent the public getting a fair price for these lands. His views were—and here he agreed with others—that the runs should be assessed some time prior to the date mentioned, and the holders affordc 1 an opportunity of taking them at that assessment, failing which they should b?. put up to tender. As regarded triennal Parliaments, he was in'favour of this, more especially in view of the Abolition Bill. He bslioTcd it would lead greatly to the purity

I of their rr'm'nwation, and tb°ir attention I lo bns\n?<'s. '! the duration of their Pz.-lia- . me i. was Dbo - o 3, [Cheers' 1 Asreg? ded II ~a. 'Oil, he nrght rry thai he thought ttat ; in a ye" .' o? so it would be n r ;ess..:>y to increase their taxation, While perhaps their revenue misht be looked upon as being able to bear the weight upon it, they must remember that it might happen that depression in trade, &c, might cause a depreciation in revenue. If this were the case, and every prudent man looked forward, he should be prepared to consider a property tax, which was the fairest one that could be imposed. He had now, he believed, referred to all the subjects before the public. He had served them faithfully and well, though he said so, and should he be elected now he would do bo again. They would recollect that they had desired him to support a tax on grain, which he had done, and he should also support it again, because it was in accord with his own opinions. Then he might remind them that as representing the Government here, and having the charge of public works and immigration in this province, he had availed himself of the opportunity without doing injustice to other parts of the colony—to push forward their railway, and his first act ht.d been to send home for the plant for it. Had it not been for a deviation from the route at Racecourse Junction, he should have had the pleasure of congratulating them on the fact of having the first railway open in New Zealand under the scheme of Immigration; and Public Works. If elected, he should, as he had always done, do his best to represent their interests and that of the colony generally. [Cheers.] He thanked them for the very patient hearing he had received at their hands. In reply to questions, Mr Reeves said that he had probably stated that he should not oppose the second reading of tha Abolition Bill, but would do so on the later stages. He believed it had been decided by the party with whom he worked to oppose the second reading. But it was no consequence really,ashehad always stated his opinions on the matter, and that he should oppose the Bill, which he had done most energetically, as he considered it a very hasty and ill-considered measure. What he had stated eight years ago was that certain reforms were needed in provincial institutions, and he thought so now ; but that was no reason why he should agree with the Government bringing in a Bill to abolish them altogether, a proposal which he said was a hasty one. [Cheers.J On referring to Sansard he found that he said he would not vote for or against the second reading of the Bill, He might say that in England, already there was a large system of local administration in the shape of counties, and further it was one of the great questions of the day how to relieve the Parliament of Great Britain from the amount of legislation, and institute a system somewhat analagous to their Provincial system. As regarded the reimbursing of the distillers, he could not state from memory now how he voted on the question. He would take another opportunity of speaking as to this. His opinions were strongly against it, and he looked upon it as a job. He said distinctly that he was in favour of 25 per cent being paid out of the land fund to local districts. He had given notice of a resolution to the effect that 25 per cent of land revenue should be set apart for the Road Districts similarly to the Timaru and Gladstone Bill. He thought that it would be a good thing that the people of this province should have at least a portion of their land revenue saved from the wreck before it was swept away. The Government were always stating that the land fund should be kept inviolate, but refused to allow of this being settled by Act of Assembly. He asked them if they thought the Government would refuse this, if they had intended to keep the land fund inviolate. They did refuse to do so, and his object was defeated. As regarded the management of the railways, he had not thought the matter out, and he could not say which would be better, whether they should be managed by the General or the Local Government. He was in favor of a Board of Education rather than a Minister of Education—[loud cheers]—and an elective Boarc. [Loud cheers.] He was not aware that there was any injustice in the household tax, but if there was he should be in favor of a property tax, as property was largely interested in the matter of education. [Cheers.] But, as he had said, he wasinfavor of education being charged on the consolidated revenue. What he meant by free education was education without any direct cost to the parents of the children, though of course they would contribute indirectly to the cost through the revenue. He had no recollection of voting on the question of the distilleries ; he did not think it came to a vote He thought that it was before he went to the Assembly. He believed that school committees were very necessary in the scheme of education. As regarded the constitution of the Upper House, though not having any very decided views, he leaned towards an elective House, over large areas, and for a long period. He was in favour of a property tax over an income tax on the ground that it was 4£?ier to collect, and therefore cheaper. Besiaes, an income tax would only be on those above a certain amount, and therefore the return would not be adequate to the cost of collection. The history of the Piako swamp was very simple. A large block of land had been disposed of by the Government coutrarv to law, which had been admitted by the Government, and also last night; there was no doubt that a grave offence had been committed. As regarded the question now asked, how he wonld propose to purify the i Parliament, he thought tt»t the best way would be to select good houov independent men to represent them, and also to shorten the duration of their Parliament. He was not in favour of an increase on their loans at present, because he thought they should have a breathing time to see the effect of the great policy they were carrying out, and also to enable them to see the true state of their revenue and expenditure, when no more borrowed money was being expended in the colony. As regarded emigration they should have to see how the labour market stood when the large expenditure of public money which had taken place wascomplete, and see whether labour found remunerative employment in the ordinary channels of industry in the colony. An Act of the Asembly provided that a member when he accepted office under Government need not go to his constituents, and of course he did not do it. As regarded whether he should vote for a measure of this kind he did not know that there was much to be gained, and as he noticed in other colonies that Ministers Were returned ho hardly saw the necessity for it. No entire

pgß : miiation of the land laws wps possible throughout the because the lands in the NOiih Island we-e ..a ofc'tiuc? - *! by native titles. If they c?me to a General Colonial Gove nment he believed it world 5:3 advisable to have a general system as td selection throughout the colony. At the same time he might say that the land laws of the province of Canterbuiy were incontrstably the b°st. [Hear, hear.] A duty had tsen raisei on grain for two reasons : First, that it afforded an addition to the resouices, and secondly, that Australia declined all reciprocity, and imposed a larger duty than we bad done. There was no great policy of protection in force here, nor was there likely to be any. [Cheers.] He did not admit that in this colony there was anything like a free trade or |protection set. There was neither of these parties in the House or in the colony. What had been done in the matter of the grain duty was a* he had explained. He was not in a position to say whether the Canterbury farmers had not lost more by the duty on timber than they had gamed by the duty on grain. Ceita'nlv, the latter had prevented the importation of any large quantities of gra'n or flour from Adelaide. He should most indubitably be opposed to any of nominated Boards or agents. His Honor the Superintendent, who was warmly received, said that he came there as a listener, but something which had dropped from an elector in the room, had led him to put some qaeslior s, as an elector, to Mr Reeves, He would, therefore, like to ask Mr Reeves the following questions, viz : Did the Ministry here think it necessary to countermand the instructions as to immigration given by Sir Julius Vogel in England 1 Mr Reeves —Yes. His Honor—Did the Colonial Treasurer before the finance committee admit that the Cabinet here thought it would have been better if Sir Julius Vogel had concurred with the Crown Agents in the disposal of the loan? Mr Reeves—l believe so. His Honor—Did not the Ministry in the House bring down a resolution impliedly withholding approval of the ban Francisco contract as authorised by Sir J. Vogel 1 Mr Reeves—Yes, they did. His Honor—ls this such harmonious action as would conduce to the efficiency of the Ministry 7 Mr Reeves—l should say certainly not, and that there was great apparent want of harmony in the Ministry. In reply to further questions, Mr Reeves said that he thought that the expenditure on native matters could be much reduced. As regarded the Volunteers in the South Island, he thought this was a useless expense. No further questions being put, Mr G. B. Woodman moved—" That this meeting thanks Mr Reeves for his able address, and desires to express a renewal of its confidence in him as member for the district." [ Cheers,] Captain Willis seconded the resolution. Mr Miles moved as an amendment—- " That this meeting thanks Mr Reeves for his past services, but does not pledge itself to support him for the future." He said it was likely the abolitionists would bring forward a candidate on the nomination day. Mr McLachlan seconded the amendment. The amendment was then put, and declared by the chairman to be lost— For 21 Against 42 [Cries of " Wrong," and " Put it again."] The resolution was then put and declared to be carried, the numbers given being as follows : For resolution ... ... ... 50 Against 26 [Cries of " No," and uproar.] Mr Miles then called for three cheers for Sir Julius Vogel, which were given with hearty goodwiU, and the same was called for Sir George Grey, which were given with great vigour. Mr Reeves then proposed a vote of thanks to the chairman, which was carried, and the meeting concluded, after three cheers had been given for Mr Reeves and his Honor the Superintendent.

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Globe, Volume IV, Issue 465, 10 December 1875, Page 3

Word Count
4,750

THE ELECTIONS. Globe, Volume IV, Issue 465, 10 December 1875, Page 3

THE ELECTIONS. Globe, Volume IV, Issue 465, 10 December 1875, Page 3

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