GENERAL ASSEMBLY.

Globe, Volume IV, Issue 357, 4 August 1875, Page 2

GENERAL ASSEMBLY.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. [By Electric Telegraph.] (Press Telegraph Agency?) Wellington, August 4. The conclusion of the Public Works statement was greeted with applause. Mr Steward's motion for a return showing the amount derived from the sales and leases of crown lands within the electoral districts of Waitaki for the last fourteen years, led to futher discussion, and Mr Macandrew moved an amendment, making the resolution to apply to every district in the colony. As Sir Donald McLean said the motion in that form would be very difficult of exe* cution, and as a return could not possibly be laid before them till long after the Representation Bill would be brought down, the hon mover withdrew his motion. A return of the number of militia and volunteer districts in the colony, and all details as to the appointments and salaries, was laid on the table by Sir Donald McLean. Mr Ballance withdrew his motion, asking for a similar return. Mr W. Kelly moved that in the opinion of the House certain promises made to the Ngnataringi tribe should be fulfilled. Sir Donald McLean said it was the intention of the Government to investigate the matter as soon as possible, but such cases frequently took a long time. Mr W. Kelly moved that the Government should take immediate steps to open to the settlements the large area of land, 118,000 acres, they owned in the Bay of Plenty district. He regretted that after when Government did throw the land into the market, they put such a high price upon it as to practically to prohibit settlement. Sir Donald McLean said that the Government intended doing so, and thought when the new settlement at Kati Kati was commenced it would be a good time to put the land into the market, and that by selling it on the spot, instead of at auction ought to enable them to realise something like the full value of the land, as people could see the quality of the article they were buying. The petition of some old settlers for compensation was ordered to be printed. Mr Rolleston moved for copies of all letters of instruction from the Government to the late Colonial Treasurer. He wanted the House to have an opportunity of ascertaining who was responsible for the mode in which the loan was negotiated. The correspondence already published on that matter naturally elicited great curiosity to learn all the particulors. ~ Mr Bowen said the circumstances were somewhat analagous to the mission home of the hon member for Hutt. Government were no doubt responsible for the action of the Colonial Treasurer, and they would have no objection to lay upon the table all papers of public character between themselves and Sir Julius Vogel. The Speaker explained that papers of the Executive Council could not be laid upon the table upon such a motion. The House adjourned at 9.15 p.m. {From a correspondent of the Press ) questions. Mr O'Conor asked the Minister of Public Works >f he would lay upon the table such maps, plans, or reports, as would show the result of the geological exploration undertaken on the Mount Rochfort coalfield during the recess. (2.) Mr Williams asked if it was the intention of the Government to extend the telegraph further north to Whangaroa and Manganui, and if so, when it was likely it would be commenced. (3.) Mr O'Neill asked what had been the cause of the delay in the construction of the Bay of Islands railway. (4.) Mr Ward asked why the Picton and and Blenheim railway was not continued into the town of Blenheim ? Also, why what was called a temporary station was being erected on the north of the Opawa river, about a mile from Blenheim ? (5). Mr PeARCE, to ask whether it was the intention of the Government to construct a deep water wharf to connect the shipping with the Wellington terminus of the Masterton railway, and if so, when it is likely to be ready for use ? Ministers replied as follows : (1). Reports and maps would be laid on the table. (2). The cost of the construction of the line would be £5300, provided there was no bush clearance. The annual cost for salaries would be £290, while the revenue would not be more than £SO yearly, so that there would be a loss of nearly £250 yearly. During the last year the line has been extended from Auckland to Mercer at a cost of £IB,OOO. In view of that fact no further extension should be pressed this year. (3). Plans and specifications for the work are ready, but the delay is caused by the necessary agreement between the company and the provincial authorities of Auckland not being yet signed. (4). The first part of the question he ans yered in the public works statement. As to the second part of the question, the temporary station is erected in order to enable the line to be opened so far at least as possible in time. (5). The views of the Government on this matter will be announced in the public works statement. STAMPS FEE BILL. On the Stamp Fees Bill, Mr Macandrew pointed out that every railway porter em-

ployed in the service of the General Government who gets £2 had to pay stamp duty. This was very inconvenient, for the Government had to pay it. While the Stamp Act was being amended, that clause might be obviated. Hon C. C. Bowen remarked that the Stamp Act was not before the House. Mr J. Evans Brown asked, that since the Bill applied to the telegraph offices, would stamps be furnished at the telegraph offices for the convenience of the public. Hon U. O. Bo wen—Certainly. Mr Thompson suggested the allowance of the exchange of postage and revenue stamps. The Bill was read a second time; SECOND READINGS. The following Bills were read a second time. New Zealand University Amendment ; Marine Act Amendment Act ; Otago University Site ; Wellington Corporation Offices Loan ; Wellington Harbor Reserves Sale ; Wellington Market Reserves Sale. SELECT COMMITTEE. On Sir Donald McLean's motion the following were appointed a Select Committee to inquire into the alleged illegal issue of miner's rights at Ohinemuri:—Messrs Bryce, Curtis, Grey, Bradshaw, O'Neill, Ormond, Stafford, Sheehan, T. L. Shepherd, and McLean. deceased wipe's sister bill. Marriage with Deceased Wife's Sister's Bill was read a first time, and the second reading fixed for Monday. OPPOSITION POLICY. On the motion to go into committee of ways and means, Sir George Grey, who was received with loud cheers from the Opposition, rose to announce the formation of an Opposition to act upon this basis—First, to enquire strictly into the general financial condition of the colony ; secondly, to oppose the passing of the Abolition Bill—[Opposition cheers] — until the people had had an opportunity of expressing their opinion upon the measure or any alternative proposal which might be offered for the amendment of the constitution of the colony. On the present occasion, he might be allowed to say a few words relative to the course the Opposition proposed to pursue, and he justly claimed, the indulgence of the House for a most liberal interpretation of the freedom of discussion. They were about to enter what they had been told was a revolution. To meet a revolution they must have recourse to extraordinary measures, and the parties who had endeavored to plunge them into this revolution must, he then thought, fairly expect that their position and their actions would be criticised, always he trusted in becoming and courteous language. Still absolutely free liberty of speech must be accorded under such circumstances. In illustration of what he meant he would first speak of the Imperial Legislature—a Legislature which had perhaps pioduced greater effects on the destinies of the human race than any other which ever existed on the face of the earth, and in defence of their rights and freedom they must have an opportunity of fairly and fully criticising the action of that Legislature towards them. Whilst admiring its greatness on all occasions where really great, he had a right to complain of its shortcomings, when it produced effects disastrous to themselves. He would give one special instance of this, and called the attention of the House to the course pursued in reference to the Bill under which they now proposed or attempted to take away their liberties, but he did not believe the attempt would succeed. (Opposition cheers."} That Bill was sent home from this colony sometime in May, 1868. It was passed some few months previous, and sent to Eng : laud in May 28th, 1868. The session of the Imperial Parliament in 1868 had been an unusually long one, commencing on November 19th, 1867, and continued with short intervals until July 31st, 1868. Some time early in July the Bill reached England, was introduced into the House of Commons on July 7th, and read a first time after midnight, was read a second time after midnight on July.9th, was passed through committee after midnight on July 10th, or after an interval of three days, and on none of these occasions were any observations made upon the Bill, nor was the attention of the Imperial Parliament in any way drawn to the momentous purpose to which it was intended to attempt to apply it. The Bill was read a third time, and passed through the Commons on July I3lh. On the same day it was sent to the Lords; read there first time on 14th, and ultimately passed through both Houses on the 23rd. In the Lords no observations or explanations were made. It was treated as a trifling Bill. The Royal assent was given to the Bill on July 29th. A measure which would be so important to us or produce such vast consequences to this colony would not have been so rushed through the Imperial Parliament, and when the Bill was received in the colony, the Junior Crown Law officer said the intention of the measure was to declare the validity of the Act constituting the county of Westland. He contended, whsn so treated by the Imperial Parliament, they had a right to refer to the acts of that august body in terms which under other circumstances would not be justified. Similar observations would apply to other bodies in this country, and in regard to the Upper House he must be allowed to express his sentiments in reference thereto. In the observations he thought it his duty tooffer, he had a right to criticise the acts of the oiher branch of the Legislature on many occasions, and for mauy reasons, he desired ou the present occasion to give a real historical picture of the existing state of the colony at the present time. It should be perceived, and should be known to posterity, what was the nature of that constitution which the present Government determined to destroy. What was the nature of that party which it was now determined to permanently establish in the country ? The; other night the member for Taieri, in a speech which produced a powerful impression on his (Sir George Grey's"* mind, and would produce an impression on the minds of future historians —the consideration of which he hoped would cause the Governmen t to pause in the couise they were about to pursue. If they did not pause of tlv.'ir own free will, the voice of the people of the colony when the circumstances of the case came to be considered would make them pause. ("Oppo sition cheers.] The member tor Taieri told them in terms* of congratulation that upon a recent occasion 7000 acres of land had been opened to settlers, to be taken up on deferred payments in Otago, and for those 7000 acres 500 applicants appeared for 144,000 acres,aud their demands could in no way be met. He then went on to tell the House with bated breath and due submission, which he (Sir George Grey) thought was unnecessary; that in the Otago Lauda Amepdmieitf BiU tUeu

introduced, he could not make proposals which were requisite and proper, because similar proposals had been rejected by the Upper House, and he would not succeed in getting his Bill through this session unless he made similar omissions. Some Macaulay or Prescott yet to write the history of New Zealand, would represent these 500 so-called freemen of Otago struggling round the land office, expecting they would receive a small moiety of the land, only fourteen acres a-piece —amodest answer to a demand for a homestead of 200 acres. Yet to the modest demand of these poor men the answer was, there are only 7000 acres to be divided between you all. More dared hardly be asked. These 500 men, the virtual holders of the soil, claimed the right they had to ask of persons whose regulations had taken it from them. The representatives of that body whom successive Ministries had put there, had no right whatever to legislate for their own interests, or to take from their fellow countrymen what was their own. (Loud cheers.] He had determined to try to put an end to legislation of that kind. The Government were trying to perpetuate it. | Hear, hear, and loud cheers ; " No."] Such was the effect of their measure. All representative institutions were to be trampled under. | Loud cries of ''No" from Ministerial benches, and Opposition cheers.] The means by which local supervision was brought to bear to prevent acts of this kind being committed were to be swept away. [Cries of "No," and Opposition cheers.) Instead of men elected by the people, there would be sent down as governors men who would carry the Government views and support the class in power by making bribes to people. He was told he must be cautious when mentioning the name of the Governor. Under ordinary circumstances he would be cautious. The Governor had identified himself with a faction. [Opposition cheers, and loud cries of " Order" and " Chair" from Ministerial supporters.] The Speaker called Sir George Grey to order. It was not becoming that the Governor should, and he must not be brought into the Assembly as a matter of censure. 1 hey were under Parliamentary Government, and the Governor was not responsible to the House, but Ministers are for every aot he does by or with their advice; therefore it is not competent for any member to introduce the Governor's name into the Assembly either as a matter of praise or blame. Blame must be cast upon Ministers. Sir George Grey—Then oar position is wretched indeed. [Cries of "Oh."J The Governor has certain duties attached to hia office by law. If these duties are exceeded under recommendation from Ministers, he cannot justify such excess. In this case a great constitutional principle has been broken by some person acting under the advice of Ministers. I appeal to the people of this country, not only to this Assembly, as the words I use will be heard to some extent by the world at large. It is undoubtedly the case that the maxim of England has been cheriihed wherever the language is spoken, that the Crown in its own name does not take any right from its subjects. If the people have the power of electing their Governors, or making their own laws, and holding representative institutions, it does not lendi its name for an instant to robbing them of; their rights. Here is a Bill with a twofold character. One part provides for the abolition of the provinces, the other part makes large pecuniary provisions, which there was no necessity to tack on to the first part of the Bill. Those who united the two Bills into one, and dragged the Queen's name and that of her representative into discussion on this matter, had acted most unadvisedly. Those who made her Majesty or the person representing her just person propose to take these rights from her people, have acted a most unworthy part. [Cries of " No."J That I shall always say. How can I find language to express myself if I am to be continually stopped. If the one name at the* head of this is not to be mentioned, why is the measure stamped with the authority of that name—with the allegation that a, branch of the Legislature promises its assent if it is passed. Why did not Ministers bring: down a perfect Bill 1 He therefore contended it was wrong that the Governor's name should be used and power asked for him to appoint prefects to rule the provinces where there have been elected Governors at the present time who have done good service to the Queen and country. (Cheers.) What had these persons done to be unworthy of their constituents, that they should be degraded and replaced by men chosen by the Governor ? They would be calling themselves —he did not know whether it was Parliamentary language or not—fools—[Laughter | —for by the Bill they said they could not tell whether they had made sufficient provisions to carry out their intentions, but left it to the Government to advise what was necessary, and to make provision j as they please, and gave them extensive powers, such as never had been placed in the hands of Ministers. He wished to speak with proper respect, but he believed an unconstitutional act had been committed of a very grave nature. He felt the Bill had been forced upon the country by being introduced suddenly into the House with a theatrical effect. What were the contents of the Bill 1 It gives bribes to the people to hand over their institutions—[Opposition cheers] —hy appealing to the lowest motives hj which they could actuate human nature. When he reflected upon this, that for several years a Government had been in power with with unbounded sums at their disposal, when what they proposed now to do might have been done with greater effect years ago, when they had money to do it with, he could not help thinking they wanted to secure their own class iu possession of Legislative power, and they now offered the people to return so much of their own money as a bribe. He could only say that those who acted with him were prepared to offer to the people of this country constitutional changes which would be a greater benefit to them than the present Ministeria 1 ones. [Cheers.] They would give them control of greater sums than offered by this. Bill—much greater sums. [Opposition cheers. J Sir Donald McLean, in an excellent, speech, defended the Government Bill as demanded by the circumstances of the country,, and the almost unanimous voice of the people. The House then went into committee, and resumed,