EARL RUSSELL ON COLONIAL POLICY.

Globe, Volume III, Issue 273, 27 April 1875, Page 4

EARL RUSSELL ON COLONIAL POLICY.

The following is a complete extract of Earl Russell's remarks on colonial policy in Lis " Recollections and Suggestions," 1813-1873, just published : —" In 1839, in order to comply with a wish of Lord Normanby, whose experience in Ireland made him conversant with internal government, I gave up the Home Department to him and accepted the Colonial Office. I soon became interested in colouial affairs. It seemed to me that the Imperial Government was bound, both in honor and from the soundest views of national policy, to protect, foster, and defend our colonies. It may be a matter of doubt whether or no to build up a colonial empire. But it is evident that if Great Britain gives up her supremacy from a niggardly spirit of parsimony, or from a certain craven feeling of helplessness, other powers will soon look upon the empire, not with the regard due to an equal, as she once was, but with the jealousy of the height she once held, without the fear she once inspired. To build up an empire extending over every sea, swaying many diverse races, and combining many forms of religion, requires courage and capacity; to allow such an empire to fall to pieces is a task which may be performed by the poor in intellect, the pusillanimous in conduct. When I came into the Colonial Office there was a question regarding certain parties who were desirous of founding in New Zealand a government having coercive criminal jurisdiction. But I pointed out to them that such conduct would be a violation of their duty as British subjects. The persons alluded to consulted Sergeant Wilde, afterwards Lord Truro, and finding that I was right, in point of law, desisted from their project. I told them, however, that they might be assured of the protection of the Crown, and by the Treaty of Waitangi the Queen assumed the sovereignty of New Zealand. It was not therefore, by chance, or without incurring obligations on the part of the Crown, that New Zealand was added to the British dominions. I gave still stronger assurances to the British provinces of North America, pledging to them the word of the Queen, that so long as they desired to remain her subjects they should receive the support of the Crown, and be defended as a part of the British dominions. A fainthearted Government in Great Britain may break these pledges, and depart from this policy. But from the day when they do so, the decline and fall of the British Empire may be dated. At the same time, I do not think the relations of the colonies to the mother country can be kept up precisely in their present form. There is uneasiness growing up on both sides ; the colonies doubting as to the protection they may receive, and Great Britain complaining of the cost of the the naval and military expenses incurred in defence of colonial interests whenever they are in danger. I am disposed to believe that if a Congress or Assembly representing Great Britain and her dependencies, could be convoked from time to time, to sit for some months in Ihe autumn, arrangements reciprocally beneficial might be made. I mean that, on the one hand, the Metropolitan State might promise protection to the colonies, by her army and navy, against any foreign or barbarous enemy; and, on the other hand a contribution of three or four millions towards our army and navy estimates might be granted by the colonial Parliament, and an engagement taken not to charge more than a certain percentage, say, 10 per cent ad valorem on British produce aDd manufactures ; or they might propose, as New Zealand has lately done, to ask for Imperial aid when absolutely required, and propose to defray the expense of the aid afforded, and not to interfere with the discretion of the British commanders by sea and land. In such a case, as we have a Go-vernor-General in India, and a Governor'

General of British North America, so we might have a Governor General of Australia and New Zealand, and a Governor-General of Jamaica and of the West Indian Islands. This scheme may seem impracticable to many. But so did the Reform Act of 1832 ; so did the total repeal of the Corn Laws ; so did the abolition of the Irish Church. Great changes have been made ; great changes are impending ; amid these changes, there is no greater benefit to mankind, that a statesman can propose to himself, than the consolidation of the British Empire. In my eyes it would be a sad spectacle, it would be a spectacle for gods and men to weep at, to see this brilliant empire, the guiding star of freedom, broken up—to behold Nova Scotia, the Cape of Good Hope, Jamaica, and New Zealand, try each its little spasm of independence ; while France, the United States, and Russia, would be looking on, each and all willing to annex one or more of the fragments to the nearest portion of their own dominions. The difficulties in detail of such an arrangement might be great. Some further references to past occurrences may serve to explain my meaning. Mr Baldwin, who had taken a prominent part in Canadian polities, came to England while Lord Glenelg was secretary of State for the Colonies, and by his desire discussed with me the question of responsible Government. I raised the objection that a responsible Ministry in Canada might object to take part with England in a foreign war, in which she might be engaged. Mr Baldwin, who was a man of sense and ability, assured me that the Canadians had no such pretentions. They wished to manage their own local affairs, but had no desire to diminish the authority or dim the lustre of the Crown of England in her external affairs, With this assurance I was satisfied; and when I held the seals I practically acted upon it, though I did not concur in the theory. In 185-1 I proposed to the House of Commons on the part of the Government of Lord Aberdeen to give free scope to the Legislature of Canada in ecclesiastical affairs, and I have seen no reason to regret this policy. It is the fashion to say that those colonies which have adopted British institutions, whose ministers resign on a want of confidence, and whose laws are framed on a British type, are virtually independent, and have no right to look for British protection. In my opinion nothing can be meaner in spirit, nothing less wise in policy, than such assertions. There was a time when we might have stood alone as the United Kingdom of England, Scotland, and Ireland. The time has passed. We conquered and peopled Canada, we took possession of the whole of Australia, Van Diemen's Land, and New Zealand. We have annexed India to the Crown. There is no going back.

'ln regere imperio populos, Romane memento.' For my part I delight in observing the adoption of our free institutions, and even of our habits and manners, in colonies at a distance of three or four thousand miles from the Palace of Westminster. During my tenure of the Colonial Office, a gentleman attached to the French Government called upon me. He asked me how much of Australia was claimed as the dominion of Great Britain. I answered, ' The whole ! ' and with that answer he went away. A French traveller of great quickness and power of observation (the Comte de Beauvoir) has lately given the world his impression of the friendly feeling of our Australian fellow-subjects towards the mother country. It is hardly necessary to say that when the majority in any of our dependencies declare, by their representatives, that they wish to separate from us, no attempt should be made to detain them. The faults committed by George Grenville, Charles Townshend, and Lord North can never be repeated. Of course this remark does not apply to fortified places, like Gibraltar and Malta. It has, however, been too much the fashion for writers in the press, and some members of the House of Commons, to overlook the force of tradition and the obligations of treaties, and to assume that because France is bigger' than Belgium, Russia bigger than Sweden, therefore Belgium must be annexed to France, Sweden to Russia. The story of ' Rasselas' might teach them better. The Minister who tries to weaken the attachment of our North American Provinces to Great Britain will be sure to arouse the generous indignation of the people of England, and will be punished, if not by impeachment, at all events by eternal infamy. I pass on to other events."