AMERICAN AFFAIRS.
President Roosevelt evidently intends to make the most "of his l'ew remlining months of office. His announcement that he will ask for aspecial session of Congress urging the enactment of a programme framed after consultation with the leatiers of the (House of It epresenta fives and the Senate appears to he the sequel of a notable message ho delivered to Congress last month. That message was declared by the Now York correspondent of the London "Times” to have been the most impassioned anil stirring document ever issued from the White House. The
•'Saturday lieview” goes a step further and refers to if as a damning indictment of the American people. Tliis authority proceeds to justify the phrase as follows : Wo say this. advisedly, because it is an unsparing denunciation of business men, and every American is a business man. If the presidents of the trusts, railroads, banks, and insurance companies are not typical Americans, applauded and respected by their fellow-citizens, we do not know where to find them. The commercial magnates in the United States are treated with the deference which we show in this country to statesmen, judges, and great nobles—in fact., the millionaires are the only aristocracy of which America- can boast-. Yet at is precisely against these men and their methods in finance and politics that the President
of the United States thunders with nil tho fervour-of a- great moral reformer. At least, wo shall he obliged to anyono who will name an American citizen of national notoriety whose witlrtirs nro unwrung by 'Mr Roosevelt’s invective. If a foreigner, especially -an Englishman, -had dared to say half tho unpleasant things about American polities and -finance that nro set forth in tho Presidential Message, his criticism would have boon ascribed to tho jealousy of the United States natural to an effete .Britisher, whilst- his private character, personal appearance, domestic relations, and pecuniary resources would have been subjected to that searching analysis so congenial to tlio American Press. Commonts on what Mr Roosevelt has said cannot ho so treated, happily for our peace and self-respect. .... Tho President’s message divides itself into two parts, that which treats of practical reforms for tlio protecj tion of tlio public against tlio pirates of finance, and that which deals at largo with the ethics of corruption ■in the political and financial worlds. I In his legislative proposals Mr Uoo.sc- | velt recommends -that- Congress should assume a control over .railways similar to that w-liic his exercised in I Great Britain by the Railway Coml mission and by Parliament. The President, speaking m tlio name ol tho Government ol the United .States, can only ask Congress, humbly or passionately according to his disposition, to pass tho ..laws which lie -recommends. He has : no means of insuring compliance with his advice, excopt personal influence brought to hear upon individual legislators outsjdo the Capitol, Olid except hie ' official patronage, towards tho end of his term of office, even this precarious power deserts tho President. “Authority forgets a dying king. For these reasons wo do not believe tint Mr Roosevelt’s Message will have much practical effect, except to endanger the chance of Mr. Taft’s election. For all people in the world tlio Amercans can least bear to be told of their faults. Tlio latest nows to hand seems to show that Air Roosevelt has secured support- for, at any rate, a portion of his programme of reformation.-Ac cording to tlio brief cablo forwarded, tho programme suggested for the special session includes revision of the tariff, and this may be taken -as likely to direcUy affect the power of tho big Trusts which have proved such a enrso to tlio United States.
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Bibliographic details
Gisborne Times, Volume XXVI, Issue 2151, 28 March 1908, Page 2
Word Count
615AMERICAN AFFAIRS. Gisborne Times, Volume XXVI, Issue 2151, 28 March 1908, Page 2
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