POLITICS IN CHINA

Evening Star, Issue 20059, 27 December 1928, Page 9

POLITICS IN CHINA

A NEW CONSTITUTION THE KUO-MIN TANG WORK OF SUN VAT SEN. With the conclusion of the civil war by the triumph of tho Nationalist armies, and tho establishment of a single Government at Nanking for all China south of the Great Wall—-though with what effective control is uncertain—the Chinese situation enters upon a new phase (writes G.F.T., in tho Melbourne ‘Age’). Hitherto the attention of foreign observers has been largely concentrated either upon the kaleidoscopic changes in the wars of the tuchuns or upon the policies of the great Powers. Hut with tho ending of the military phase of the nationalist revolution and the opening of the experiment in the building up of a new State, tile internal politics of China again become at once intelligible and a matter of primary interest. Jt is important to understand the character of tho Government at Nanking. It is simply the Government of a political party, the Kuo-min Tang, which has identified itself with the State, just as the Fascist party has done in Italy, or the Communist party in Russia. Tho Kuo-min Tang, or Republican, party, itself merely a transformation of the Ming Tang, or Revolutionary party, was the creation ol Dr Sun Yat Sen, tho man who, more than any other, made the Chinese, revolution, and became in his hands the instrument of the revolution which was to create the new China. Driven from Pekin after the triumph of the reactionary, Yuan Shi Kai, in 1913, it retired to Canton, in the province of Kwantung, which it governed henceforth as a base of operations against the northern tuchuns, who were sidetracking the revolution for their own profit. The outburst of national feeling following the Shanghai incident in May, 1925, gave tho southern radicals their chance, and in June, 1926, the Kuo-min Tang army began its advance north under the banner of Chinese nationalism. Throughout that advance, from Canton to Hankow, to Nanking, and finally to Pekin, tho victorious army under Chiang-kai-shek was, nominally at least, under the control ol tho civil Government, which consisted simply of tile council of the Kuo-min Tang party. The ultimate victory, therefore, placed that party in nominal control of all China. Thus the first part of the task set by Sun Yat Sen is completed. They have achieved power. Thev have now to recognise the State, and build up a new China in accordance with tho principles of the revolution.

COMMANDANTS AND GENERALS. Actually, it appears that during the advance north the control oi the Kuomin Tang over its armies was slight, and at one stage—the pause at Hankow—the party trembled on the verge of disintegration. One section, Jed by the more fanatical disciples of Sun Yat Sen and by Borodin, the Bolshevik envoy, and his fellow Communists, wished to carry through a social revolution as they went along. The other, led by Chiang-kai-shek, urged concentration upon the military campaign and the issue of nationalism until the effective unity of ail China had been secured. The split nearly ruined the Nationalist cause, but was finally ended by the victory of Chiang-kai-shek, who returned to the joint offices of com-mandcr-in-chief and chairman of the political council, and the _ flight of Borodin and the Communists. The politicals, however,' had learned their lesson, and began at once the reorganisation of the party in preparation for the moment when it would become a regular civil Government. They had no mind to submit for Jong to the domination of the generals. At the fourth plenary session of the party, in March of tins year, regular departments were set up, and the first steps taken in tiie transfer from revolutionary to bureaucratic methods. On June 8 the Nationalists entered Pekin, and next day Chiang-kai-shek resigned his offices. The resignation, as a matter of fact, was not accepted, and Chiang remains the most powerful leader iu the Kuo-min Tang. But the supremacy of the civil Government had been vindicated, and the reorganisation of the party proceeded apace. In the middle of August _ the Fifth Plenary Session, largely owing to the influence and tact of Chiang-kai-shek, was able to reach a working agreement with the allied generals for the control of the northern provinces, and to prepare the new constitution. This scheme came into force at the end of September' when the first nominations were made to the five directorships widely will in future constitute a Cabinet. _ The new constitution, though essentially provisional, is a highly significant document. OLD COUNCIL ABOLISHED. The old council of some 120 representatives of the party is abolished, and its place -taken by five councils—a Legislative Council, largely a talking simp; an Administrative Council, to do most of the work; a Judicial Council,' an Examinations or Civil Service Council, and a Supervisory Council, whose functions are not yet clear. Tho Director of the Administrative Council—the office to which Chiang-kai-shek has been appointed—is to be, ex ollicio, chairman of the live directors of councils when they meet as a Standing Committee of Government, The whole scheme illustrates perfectly the two closely-connected aspects of the Nanking Government—its State party, or Fascist character, and its function as the organ of government,-for what Dr. Sun Yat Sen described as the period of “tutelage” between the military phase and the achievement of complete democracy. There is no hint of a Parliamentary system, of which, indeed, the Chinese have tho most unhappy memories. The system is essentially bureaucratic, shaped primarily for tho restoration of order and authority, the maintenance of unity, and the carrying through from on to]) of far-reaching social changes. Such is Hie “ new model ” Government of China. It is obviously only a framework at present. Will it in time be with His reality of power? Will this political party which has, on paper at least, taken control of tho machinery of the State bo able to carry through its revolutionary programme? The mam problem is the attitude of the military leaders not subject to the Kuo-min Tang’s control. It must be remembered that the final defeat of Chang-t So-1 in and the occupation of Pekin was the work not of Chiang-kai-shek and the Kuo-min Tang army alone, but also of their allies. Fengyuhsiang, the “Christian” general, who for years lias pursued a tortuous path in Hie wars in Northern China, and Yen Hsi Shan, the “model ” Governor of Shanti. When first the combined forces occupied Pekin and cooperated in restoring order, many observers, perhaps understanding the strength of the reorganised Kuo-min Tang, forecast a loose confederation of tuchunntes, the heads co-operating in a national executive council, as the future Government of China. And, of course, it may yqt come to that. At

the moment, however, the Kuo-min Tang has made its bid for united control, and Feug-yuhsiang seems to have been won over to it—probably on the understanding that he gets a free hand in the north-west Governor Yon-Hsi Shan, however, is reported to have retired to his capital in disgust, and his attitude for the future cannot even be guessed. Even should these difficulties bo overcome and nominal unity maintained, the task remaining before Hie Nanking Government of subduing Hie innumerable local military despotisms into which the whole country, outside tho two or three provinces under its control, is split, and of disbanding the millions of men under arms is a Herculean one.