POST-SESSIONAL UTTERANCES.

Evening Star, Issue 3963, 6 November 1875, Page 2

POST-SESSIONAL UTTERANCES.

MR STOUT, M.H.R., AT CAVERSHAM. , Pursuant to notice, Mr Stout mot the electors and non-cleutors of Cavershani last evening, in the Drill-shed of that township, and [jave a necessarily hurried review pf the proceedings of the past session. The attendance was very numerous—as largo as has ever been scou ia, Cavcrsham for a similar purpose—and Mr Rutherford occupied th« chair. Mr Stout, after touching upou sonic of the numerous domestic and social maiiera that occu. pied tho attention of Parliament, launched into the ({•eat political question of tho day, the discussion upon which, he said, converted him into a s rouger Provincialist than over. The demand of the Abolitionists—that tho Opposition should propound a policy—was almost childish. It was the oi the Abolitionists that they hud a policy; hut he

wonld ask any caucHd man Whether ho could eaf what that policy wan? Tho Government did bring lown what was termed a Local Government Bill—which, probably, oue-fourth of .the supporters of the Abolition Bill had never read—bnt that Bill did not confer us much pow-r of local.self-government nr was enjoyed at present by the people of Otajd Under their lload Boards Ordinance. There was. not a siugla, additional power or privilege given to th« people by the. Bill, wnile very many privileges wer: taken away, Ho would be quite will n;r to retin from the scene and allow the Abolitionists to have ever • thin* their own way, and allow them tosmr the peoplJß what they were' going to do to wards providing a substitute for. Provincinlism, were I ''--It not for two sufficient reasons. First of all, Jio did not believe that the people of the Colony were Abolitionists; and secondly, he considered it to be the dut? of every elector, whether a candidate for a seat or not, to express freely his views, whatever the result of that expression might be. He did not believe the people were Abolitionists. The cry was confined to a few; and he might separate the Abolitionists into, several classes..«. Of some, lie admitted that there were men-who had done this Colony great' services, and who were Abolitionists from "sincere convictions. ' But there was also n large number of electors who were Abolitionists, because thev had nothing else to think about, and had takoutheir opinions from what might be the majority of the newspapers they had read. There were others who were nit Abolitionists from any of the motives he had mentioned, and who, he was afraid, were desiro-is of curbing the rights and privileges of the peoplo The latter class were afraid of the legislation of the popular Provincial Coun- ' cils, lest their monopolies Bhould be disturbed and their rights iaf ringod. They knew that the pastoral leases would soon expire, and that the popular Councils would insist on the runs being divided, and the peoplo settled on the lands. Now he came to what he conceived should be tho aim of the electors in the coming struggle. He reminded them that he was not an authorised exponent of tho Opposi- i tion, but simply was speaking frankly what he him- I self thought. The minds of the electors must be ' i directed to the question of Centralism and Fedo- j ralism, and they must say after full and calm dis- ' cussion under which flag they will fight. Ho was j in favor of Federalism, and he looked on Provincialism as a species of Federalism. ' If the people winted Federalism let them change the Federalism, but they should not abolish it. They might consolidate some of the Provinces instead of abolishing Provinces altogether. Considering the two principles, and assuming the electors to' desire Fede- , ralism, they must, instead of having nine Provinces, I ifeduce the number to four or five, Mid then they might have a good Government indeed. But in connection with that, they must have two things to constitute reform. They must have the Upper House in. its present form entirelv annihilated. Ho was one of those who thought that an Upper' House was not' necessary at all. If they were to have an Upper House it 'hould bo formed in a way similar to that proposed when the Constitution was framed. The members should be elected by the Provincial Councils. They would then be men who wouid represent the people, and who would not.simpl.\ be actuated by class feelings or prejudices. In the Upper House were men devoted to the best inierests of the Colony, but at present that House did not as it should represent the feelings and desires. of the majority of the people. They would 7 also require to have what he might term "specialisation of function;" there should be no overlapping—each Government should h-ive its functions defined, so that it would know what it should do and what it should not do. '1 here sbould be a guarantee that one Government would not attempt to usurp thefunctions of the other There should bo, as in Ameri a, a Supreme Court to decide all questions as to the functions of the respective governments. Had they had this, they would not have had tho struggling and fighting that there had been in the past. He believed they could so separate the functions that they need not have their Colonial Houses meet more than once in two years to attend to their federal functions ■ and they should leave greater local control to local bodies to manage their local affairs. The great advantage would be that the people could have their local Government carried on on the spot, nnd the re could be no impurities when the Government and the governed were face to face. That was the sort of I change the electors should insist upon. And if they went in for Federalism they would have acliance of carrying what they wanted, but if they went in for one Government for each Island, they would have no chance of carrying the latter at all. With such a system of federal government as he had sketched government would be more cheaply managed, and the legislation would be more useful. : Another matter to be insisted upon was that the ! laud question should be put upon a proper basis ; People should look at the financial position of the Colony, the various financial questions looming o\erthem, and insist upon economy. L1.800.0G0 was speut annually by the Government, aud if people would insist on inquiring how was it spent, they would do a great good to the Colony, such as they had no conception of. He as-ked the electors to frame a political catechism, and to. put these questions to every candidate:—" Why was Abolition demanded? Who .demanded it? How did they demand it ? What good is it to do ?" If the electors considered well the answers to be given he j had no fear of the results at the coming elections. What he feared was that the electors had not, considered these questions as they should be considered. If every elector looked at the question as free from bias as he could, aud discussed it calmly and ra- , tionally, exercising the ballot as a sacred duty to j himself, his country, and to posterity, then they I would have a good form of government, and they i need care little whether it was Provi' eialism, CenI tralism, or Federalism.*— (Cheers.) I Mr M'lndoe moved—" Having heard the statement of Mr Stout, our member, we beg to thank him for the action he has taken in the Assembly, j for the course he his pursued ; and further, that we give him our unanimous approval of his conduct, I and wish that he will stand again as our represen- : tative." This was carried b» acclamation. ,ln acknowledging the vote Mr Stout said it was • possible his engagements would not allow of his • seeking re-election, but if they did he would intij mate his intention to do so before the election camo on.