OUR HOME LETTER.

Evening Star, Issue 3818, 20 May 1875, Page 3

OUR HOME LETTER.

ome small stir has been made about a robbery of j wels beloneing to the Earl of Dudley. The theft was perpetrated in the most impudent manner, the case containing them being purloined from the Great Western Railway Station at Paddington, where a servant had deposited it on the platform. What lends most interest to the matter is an advertisement offering a reward for the recovery of the jewels, and promising immunity from unpleasant proceedings. It has been represented as doubtful whetl er such a course is not virtually compounding a felony, and the subject is likely to come before a Court of Law. It is clearly, however, against public policy that thieves should be encouraged in the notion that they may escape punishment by levying blackmail instead of retaining the whole of their plunder. Some fresh light is thrown upon the memorable events of 1866 by a work published by M. Hansen, a Dane, who has been occupied in endeavoring to obtain for his country the oncepromised cession of North Schleswig. The narrative is exceedingly interesting as illustrative of the vacillation and double-mindednecs that characterised the policy of the late French Emperor. In the negotiations preceding the war he_ inclined strongly to Prussia, and it is even said would have sought her alliance but for the fear of public opinion. However, he afforded her all the help he felt able to, in permitting the Italian alliance and giving a virtual promise of neutrality by denuding nis north-eastern frontier of troops. In this position came the shock of the news of Sadowa, which rendered it evident that the day was past for obtaining anything through the friendship of Russia. The day after the battle M. Drouyn de Lhuys saw the Emperor and urged him immediately to place an army of 80,000 men on the Rhine, and notify Pi ussia that he would be compelled te occupy the left bank if Pi assia disturoed the balance of power by annexing fresh territory. To this advice, it is said, the Emperor acceded, but shortly afterwards he saw M. Ronher, who induced him to adhere to his original programme of acting as mediator between the belHgerents, and thus the only moment for action was allowed to pass. There is reason for believing that a demonstration on the Rhine, at this juncture, might have caused serious embarrassment to Pi ussia, and perhaps have neutralised all the effect of hervictoiies. The French ambassador at Vienna wrotetohis chief—“Prussiais victorious, but she is exhausted. There are not 15,C00 men be tween the Rhine and Berlin. You may make yourself master of the situation by a mere armed demonstration, for at this moment Prussia cannot accept a war with France.” This view, moreover, is strengthened by a speech delivered in 1874 by Bismarck, in which he said that even a small contingent “ would have made a very respectable army when united to the South German corps. Such an army would have laid us under the necessity of covering Berlin, and of abandoning all om successes in Austria.” What subsequently transpired is well known. The Emperor allowed the moment for action to pass by, and then, when Prussia had arranged her own teims with Austria and the South German States, he put forward a feeble request for territorial compensation, which met with flat refusal. TheJEmperor must have known that his oppoi tunity was gone past recall, but he never seems to have realised the fact so completely as to make it a principle in bis policy. The incident a remarkable illustration of his inveterate habit of balancing between two coureesof action, and of refraining, when possible, from committing|himself tofeither.i Years ago it was our practice to regard the Emperor as a man of profound sagacity, whose intentions were inscrutable to ordinary mortals, and half the world was employing itself in the endeavor to interpret his mysterious utterances. Now, however, it is tolerably apparent that his success in preventing others from divining bis purposes was mainly attributable to the fact that he did not know them himself, or if he knew them had not the courage to carry them out. Affairs in Spain continue in most wretched plight. All the seeming enthusiasm which hailed the accession of Alphonso has faded away, and been succeeded by general despondency, The position of the poor lad is as unenviable as well can be imagined. The successes which at first were won by his troops have been followed by disheartening reverses. Discontent prevails everywhere, and it is deemed necessary to take precautions against assassination. Rumors have even been current of an intention to seek foreign assistance in putting down the Carlists, but such intervention would be particularly repugnant to the Spaniards, and if successful would do much to discredit the Government that invoked it. As yet no solution of the position can be suggested.

I he French Assembly has at last made a stop towards the constitution of a permanent government. The Senate Bill has finally been passed by a majority of 159. It enacts that the Senate shall be composed of 300 membors, of whom seventy-five are to be appointed by the Assembly and 225 to be elected by the depart ments and colonies. The Bill was vehemently opposed by the Legitimists and Bonapartists, out it is noticeable that the Due do Joinville gave it his support, whilst the Due d’Aumalo was absent on leave. The elective members of the Senate are not to be chosen by universal suffrage; and when the passing of the measure was clearly inevitable, the Bonapartists moved that it should first be ratified by universal suffrage, as otherwise it would be unjust to place the fate of 8,000,000 electors in the hands of 42,000 privileged electors. This amendment, however, received no support from the Bourbonists, and was consequently thrown out by a large majority. The remaining clauses of the Bill provided that the President of the Republic shall b>* elected for seven years by the Chamber and Senate setting together as a National Assembly, that he is eligible for re-election, and that, with the concurrence of the Senate, he may dissolve the Chamber before the expiration of its legal term. This achievement has been hailed with great satisfaction by the French Republicans. Gaiubetta is reported to have said, “Now we are safely over the ferry.” It is naturally a source of congratulation to have accomplished the definitive settlement of the Republic, particularly as it has been effected by such

decided majorities. At the same time it is not easily to see what exact good Prance is likely to obtain from the possession of two Legislative Assemblies rather than one. The system of two Houses in England is a matter of pure accident, not of design, and did not in any way result from preference of two chambers over three or one. Where it is desired to have responsibility the advantage of a single House is immediately evident, and one would naturally have thought that the Republicans would have preferred that form. A large section of the party, however, is a little weak-kneed, and it may be conjectured that the Senate has been constituted from a desire to provide something to hold in check the next Assembly, which wiU probably be of a more democratic character than the present. The ex Prince Imperial has recently passed his examination at the Royal Military Academy at Woolwich. In fencing and riding he is reported to have stood first, and in general proficiency seventh in a class of thirty-four. It is stated that he experienced unusual difficulties from being imperfectly acquainted with the language in which instruction was conveyed, and that his success is not in anyway attributable to his receiving advantages over his competitors. A Brussels journal states that the Prince will apply for permission to serve one year as a volunteer in the French army. If the request were granted it is thought he would acquire much popularity, whilst, if refused, it would suggest that the present Government regarded him as a formidable opponent, thereby adding to his prestige.