CUSTOMS’ UNION.

Evening Star, Volume VII, Issue 1942, 27 July 1869, Page 2

CUSTOMS’ UNION.

The following is the continuation of Mr M‘l udoe’s lecture, delivered at the meeting of the Political Association :

“In addition to age and wealth, another immense advantage the Australian Colonies possess over us is postal couiinuuic <tiou. By the four weeks postal communication now established it is utt rly impossible for New Zealand merchants to receive and reply' to letters within the mail —before our io-mail arrives our out-mail is de-patclicd. In Australia a period of ten <!a s elapses during which time advices hence as to requir:ments may arrive : these are in mediately ordered, and possibly' on their way out before the New Zealand merchants’ letters ;reive in London. 'This object!n is very' apparent, anil nothing wou ! d be easier than to have the goods i..to Mel l ourne—duty paid and re-hip ed for our ports before bills of lading from hj >me could arrive here. “In addition to postal advantage there is the prospect of a still further one in telegraphic communication. It is not an oversanguine supposition to say that, before two years elapse. Melbourne will be united to England by an Austral-Indian wire ; and al 1 hough Tasmania is now co mected with Australia, many years may pass by before these distant islands of the sea are united by a similar tie. ‘ In r gard then to seniority, population, wealth, postal and telegraphic communication, New Zealand would enter into such a compact under ver. great disadvantages di-advantages which even were there no other, should of the : selves militate so strongly against the pro osal as to lead to i s immediate rejection. But in add! ion to these advantages to the Australian Colonies, we have within our own bounds disadvantages unknown to them which might be disastrous in their results.

“ Wiping out the favorable considerations attached to the older colonies, which I have enumerated, there still forces itself on our view this other advantage—they are at peace and quiet, while wo are unsettled and at war. To them, under these circumstances, the requirements of expenditure can bo calculated, and other customs cod ■ made to suit; whilst with ua our expenditure cannot be limited, and must be met from reverse or by loan. There is again an almost total want of identity of interest between the different colonies. No schedule of duties could be framed to meet a al satisfy the requirements of all. Some would demand a protection duty on one item which it would be for the interest of another to have free ; each would do its utmost to obtain the advantage for the interest of greatest moment to itself. Circumstances mi-ht occur in a colony when from prosperity or adversity its Customs tariff could be raised or lowered, such individual rise or fall could not he introduced without eiug extended in ifs operation to the whole, and it would therefore span become inoperative. Bnch a deadlock is not only within the range of possibility, but extr inely probable, and the chieing of this fact is a powerful argument against the measure. The Customs of our Colony are at this moment the largest and most increasing revenue on which we can calculate. True they are expanded to a point now beyond which it will not be safe to go with.out a risk of a break—endurance would hardly be tolerable if a further advance were contemplated, and tin* aim and object of our legislators should be a reduction on those imports which are articles of daily necessity Unfortunately this cannot be carried out at the present time, unless some Daniel comes to judgment, and by whom some scheme could be devised to satisfy the demands of our expenditure, as our present councillors are unfit to evolve one. 1 f course, befo e entering on such a union as that proposed, a complete and thorough revision of our Tariff, as well as the principles of taxation, would require to be thoroughly discussed. “At the present mom nt the relative position of New Zealand to the other Colonies is not so satisfactory as to entertain the proposal. Were our internal disturbances quelled, our great difficulty to its consideration wou’d be removed. But at the presept time that revenue on which all our internal organisation depends for its support—on which we rely for obtaining loans not only for Native difficulties, but for works of first and highest importance in the subduing of the land and developing its resources—which gives us direct communication with the maids of the world, it is proposed to lay an embargo—to imperil and jeopardise it by placing it beyond our own cont' 01, and making our neighbors joint regulators and custodians. Ido not think t at all likely this Colony will submit to such a course. I have studiously avoided introducing statistical quotations into my remarks, however interesting they might have been, and however cogent the argumen's that could have been deduced from them. They are accessible to the members of this Association in the blue hooks of the different Colonics, which are authoritatively published, and may be consulted at the Athenaeum.

“Socially considered—which is the only other feature pertaining to us as a Political Association—little would accrue from the Union to draw together and cement the peo :, lcin a common bond. The little jeai ius'e. which presently exist, in toad of sui'cum in" to the unity desired, would rather, wh -never a hitch occurred, be augnu ntcH, and parties of more or less influence would here and there be formed to at empt the overthrow of that which they considered obnoxious to themselves. If my remarks apply to New Zealand as a whole, they become more pertinent when localised and hr'light into contact with ourselves, whilst the Colony would be materially damaged by coming under such obligations, the full force and weight would fall chiefly on Otago. Rapid as our advance has been, we feel a temporary check in a very disastrous manner.

“ Had we not gone forward with such strides the drag, which is at present clogging our speed, would not have be n so severely felt But once such an amalgamation of interest’s taki"gplace, the tide of our urosperi y would ebb as sp edilv as it has flowed. As the lirst commercial city in the Colony, the f.it 1 effects of the bargain would fall most hcavi y on I 'uncdin.

“ If the experiment is anxiously desired to Iv, trie l , let tbe different colonies of Australia and Tasmania, if they will, nr ke a start Aft r a few years’ trial, and if found to answer, our posi ion might be mor propitious, and we might fall in. Australia has an immense territory—equal, perhaps greater than Fair ope. Over that almost hound'ess expanse there is sufficient p pulation scattered, enough of diversified interests, redundant wealth, and patriotic feel-

“ Might they not risk it for a while among themselves, ami leave us in the meantime to settle our difficulties, add to our population, develop our resources, and shortly reduce our tariff to its minimum, and then we would i e in a fairer position to treat on this vital ques ion It is eas er to get into such a noose, than to get out when once in. On one ma ter we might make a comment Let us reciprocate a little to commence with. Admit our grain free, and we will receive free their wines. Such a reciprocity treaty might be advantageously cone into. Our standing » opulation are far behind theirs, and our unsettled condition, whether as regards the war or the re ation between the islands, bear very hard against our prosperity. “ Having mineral wealth, superior c’imate, average harbor-, enterprising settlers, —we can cope with any colony in this hemisphere. But the incubus under which we lie, of disaffection and war, are bitter enemies to our progress ; of which, ov.t the way, they are wide awake to, and of which they would not be slow to take advantage. “No one can desire more strongly than I do, that the relations existing between the Colonies should bo of the firmest and most extended character. I am too much impress d with the feeling of security which attaches to a large and united country, and would cordially hail any proposal emanating from whatever source, for the furtherance of this idea. But it must be based on sound and impartial principles, not giving an inclination to one side or other, but like justice personified, bolding an equal balance. From whatever m tive the proposal emanated, th re can be no doubt it is in consonance with the spirit of the times in which wc live. Both in Europe and America the idea seems to he unity, combination, annexation. This result is tried to be carried out sometimes by peaceful measures, as in Canada, sometimes by hostile, as in Prussia, with regard to Schleswick and other Danish Duchies. And nob only is territorial amalgamation sought after, but the social and pal tioal relatinos of nations are being fuithered by leagues of an assuring character: we hear of treatie : of alliance, offensive and defensive—extrad tion treaties and treaties of reprocity. The individualism of countries—the feudal superiority' of nations —is gradually butsurely disappearing, and a fusion into one grand entity, seems to be the consummation which events are evolving. Nor is this the case in political arrangements only. In the religious world also the barriers that formerly were insuperable are now being levelled in the dust, —the heroics of ecclesiasticism —the exclusivism of religious polity—the tyranny and persecution of Churchism, originating in, and maintained by ignorance and the absence of free thought, although now aid them, breaking out simply' as reminders of the suite that was—are rapid y giving way to the march of intellect; the besom of destruction is being used by r the all-powerful hand of enlightenin nt, and ere long the fond prophetic exclamation of the immortal jlard wijl be refiligcd in a social, religious, ami politic fact, “when man to man the world o’er shall brothers be an’ a’ that.”