THE REDMOND LECTURES.
[To the Editor of the Daily Telegram.] Sir, —That Home Rule is all that is desired by Ireland, I think, is beyond doubt; it is all that Irishmen have fought and struggled for for years past, and that it is necessary and essential to tho avcll-being and progress of Ireland has oven been conceded by Mr Gladstone and other eminent English statesmen. You Avill no doubt retort that, if Homo Rule is granted, Irishmen would not bo satisfied; that they would AV.-mt more. But, Sir, you must remember that there arc extremists in every nation—as in England there are Republicans and Radicals who arc never satisfied, so in Ireland there is the extreme party, and I think you Avi". admit that an extreme minority should not bo taken into consideration avlicu tho Avclf'iro of the Avbole generally is concerned. I am glad to find you admit tho Homo Rulers arc in a majority in the House of Commons—of Irish representation of course. The fact explodes a fallacy Avhieh has often been eagerly seized upon and used to the prejudice of Ireland and her cause. You quote an extract from a speech of Mr Hcaly's that you aver "is hardly calculated to bring about calm deliberation" in tho House, but you Ikia-c not stated the subject that called forth the remarks, or either what preceded or followed tho sentences re-pro-duced. This savours very much of unfairness, to say the least. How many English members can be charged with exactly the same tiling? Why, Mr Gladstone himself has used language on seA'eral occasions regarding the Irish question which certainly did not bring about "calm deliberation." How many laws have been passed by tho House of Commons when " calm deliberation " was the exception, not the rule 'r How many English members have used language in the British Parliament on various topics that have raised anger, animosity, and even violence. Why should an Irish M.P. be singled out as a culprit when there are others equally guilty of the same offence, if it is one? There is an insinuation permeating your remarks concerning Mr Healy which is unmanly and reprehensible. That '' Minister knoAvs no more about Connaught than England knows about it " shows unmistakably the necessity for reform in the government of tho country. If England does not knOAV more about Connaught than Minister, how can it be expected tie England can govern Connaught, or mdc i any other part of Ireland ? By this quotation, Sir, you have, I believe unwittingly, adduced one of the main reasons Avhy Home Rule should be granted to Ireland. Hoav " local representative institutions" can be a -distasteful form of government 1 kiunv not; on tho contrary, I always thought that they Avero a, boon dearly prized by every free man. What it is you mean by a "largo minority" and a "small majority " seems inexplicable. I know this, however, sir, that the curse of Ireland lias been hnvs forced on a large majority by a, small minority. It is strange—passing strange—that Avhilo you deprecate the discussion of the Irish difficulty in the colonies, and among those especially interested, any other Old World topic can be considered without a murmur—European tyranny, Asiatic complications, African brawls, American scandal—all these can be touched upon with impunity; but when it conies to the Irish question, then Prejudice usurps Reason's throne, and Hatred, Malice, and Envy are the predominating virtues! Trusting I have not trespassed too much on your space, —I am, &c, Irish Colonial. October 19, 1883.
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Daily Telegraph (Napier), Issue 3825, 19 October 1883, Page 3
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588THE REDMOND LECTURES. Daily Telegraph (Napier), Issue 3825, 19 October 1883, Page 3
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