MR SUTTON AT TARADALE.

Daily Telegraph (Napier), Issue 3237, 15 November 1881, Page 2

MR SUTTON AT TARADALE.

Mr Sutton met the electors of Taradale hi the schoolroom last night. The evening was fine, and the building was crowded. MiRymer, who was voted to the chain introduced the candidates

Mr Sutton, who met with a cordial reception, said it was only about a month since he addressed a meeting in Napier, and ho might therefore say little that was new. It was no easy matter to address different audiences in different Ways when the subject remained the same. He diet not purpose to go over the whole ground he had taken in Napier j but in some matters he might enter Wore Idly into details. The first and most important subject was local government. He was a strong supporter of the present system, with certain alterations which he would and lie was perfectly sure that fclie country would not tolerate a return to provincialism. He was somewhat surprised' to notice from the speech delivered by Mr Ormond at Waipawa on Friday evening that that gentleman had modified tho views he had expressed in his address in 1880 and in the last session of the House, in favor\ of a return to provincialism, arid lie was pleased at the chaiige ill his opinions. Mr Ormona had probably by this time found that the feeling of the country was not in favor of another alteration, and that it was generally admitted that the County Councils and Road Boards worked together with more efficiency and less waste then had been found possible under the old system. He was glad to find Mr Ormond now advocating the course (Mr S.) had long since suggested, and which last session the Government had proposed. Why Mr Ormond did not then give those proposals his support, he did not know, but so ifc was. What Was needed for the increased efficiency of the system was some means by which, the two bodies could be welded together. The County Councils ahd Road Boards bad done an immense quantity of work at a cheap rate, and it was absolutely necessary that there should be no clashing. There were still large tracts of valuable country not included in any Road Board, and which thus escaped a fair share of taxation. The land about Te an instance in point, and only paid one rate. His own view was, that each Hiding should be compulsorily constituted a Road Board, and that the Koad Board chairman should be member of the County Council for the Riding. There was no valid reason for the distinction between County and Road Board roads. The whole work could be undertaken by the Boards, which were in a position to carry ifc out as cheaply and efficiently as the County Councils. Within the past week ov ten days the ratepayers had been called upon to show their appreciation of the former members of the County Council ; and ifc was a matter for congratulation that the satisfaction of the county had been unmistakably shown by the return of all these gentlemen unopposed. At all events, the people cf the Hawke's Bay County had not much fault to find with the administration of county affairs. Ifc was not through any supineness on their part that this result had come about. But for this general satisfaction and confidence there would doubtless have been contests for seats ; and in fact the result of an active canvass by a would-be candidate had only resulted in snowing that opposition to the sitting member would be futile. The first Council in this district had been elected in November, 1876, and the system had been just five years in operation. He thought this a convenient time to give some figures showing what that body had done and expended in those five years. Tho amount expended on roads in that time had been £13,971 15s lOd, on bridges £16,425 2s lOd, total £30,396 18s 8d ; ifc had done its share as regarded expenditure for hospital and other charitable purposes, its outlay in this direction amounting to £1,400; while the whole amount of its office expenses, salaries, &c., was £2,653. It could not be said that the expense of carrying out the system bore very heavily on the ratepayers ; the operations of the Council were aimosfc as direct as those of the Road Boards, and the large sums dealt with had been expended far move efficiently and with greater general benefit than had the revenues of the old Provincial Councils. Among the receipts of the County Council during the term he would mention the sure of £13,677 in rates, and an item of revenue —now wiped out he was glad to say—of £3256 rent for toll-gates. The toll-gate nuisance had been done away with tor pome years, and the county could take credit to itself that the roads were in a better condition than they had ever been One very important work the Council had shown great energy in carrying out —the opening of the magnificent Patea country. In the course of fifteen months ifc had spent or contracted to spend £3000, and would receive another £2000. The result was that whereas the road was formely a difficult one for packhorses, a buggy could now be driven to the Kuripapanga bridge. In three years more, when the present Council dissolved, le expected they would have a good road to the heart of Patea. He regarded this as One of the most important works the county had undertaken, both as regarded the Hawke's Bay district and the town of Napier; for unless energy had been shown in opening up communication, the traffic would have taken another direction. An important; work successfully carried out was the bridging of the Tutaekuri afc Redclyffe. During the five years the County Council had existed it had spent on biidges nearly twice as much—more than half as much again— as the old Provincial Council in its fourteen years of existence. The only work of the Provincial Council in this direction that he could now remember was _ the Meanee bridge, the Wallingford bridge, the old Ngaruroro bridge and a contribution to the bridge at Omahu, the half of the expense being contributed by the settlers. It was generally admitted that the colony did not require more Government than at present. Twelve months ago there were eleven thousand government officers in New Zealand, or one in forty of the population. This would surely be found quite enough. Mr Ormend had advocated the institution of some body to which should be relegated the various duties of the Waste Lands Beard, the Education Board, the Harbor Board, the Charitable Aid Board, and others. Such a system would not work well. The consent of the three counties would first be required, and this would not. be easily obtained. Then again, the local boards had been found to work fairly well; the members were selected on account of special qualifications. They would not find ifc conducive to efficiency of administration that to the same set of gentlemen who constituted the Education or Waste Lands Board should be committed the control of the harbor. There was some force in the argument that the Waste Lands Board should be elective. He decidedly preferred an elected to a nominated body. At the same time, the change was not urgently called for, so far as we were concerned. He was not aware that the present Board had shown any disregard to the wishes or interest of the public. On the contrary, the management of the waste lands was much more satisfactory than when they were controlled by a commissioner ; we heard nothing now of such scandals in land administration as were so common then. He would not object to an elective Board if for this purpose the whole of the three countries could be merged into one district • but he did not think such an arrangement could be carried out. In order to good government it was necessary that there should be an organised opposition. There was no such thing afc present —no one knew whence the opposition would come, nor who would be leader. Mafiy thought that; Mr Ormond would be the coming man, and take the lead; but it was clear enough from Mr Ormond's speech that he had abandoned that intention if he / ever entertained it. He could not agree I with the position Mr Ormond had taken ; \

and thought ifc his absolute duty to give some reason for that position. Only one reason had been given, and ifc was ono with whicii he (Mr S.) could not agree' Mt Orniond had opposed the Government rhea* - sivres—the Native and Ci ; owri Lands Rating Bill, and the Construction of Roads Billmerely because they would serve to perpetuate present institutions. At the same time he acknowledged that ono of thesesmeasures had his hearty approval, and to the other his objections were very Blighft The first lhdasvire was dne" the counfry wanted and would insist upon ifc would undoubtedly pass before the end of next session. He had always been an advocate of a property tax, though he had beeii told it would be very unpopular. It had nofcprovedto be.fche bpne of contention whicii some'hdd anticipated, ahd there were now very few candidates who did not support ifc. If ifc became necessary to raise a heavy tax, it was necessary to raise it on property. The property tax did this in the fairest way • he did not object to an income tax ; but lie objected to a land tax because it fell upon the nominal owner, while the mortgagee, who made ten times more out of the land thdn the actual occupier, escaped scot free; Mr Oriiidrid had always opposed the 1 property tax. In 1880 he called it a grinding tax, which would drive out capital. He would like to know who were ground by this grinding tax. It was just those who had, and who were taxed in proportion to what they had. Of tho 489,000 people in the colony there were 440,000 who paid no property tax at all. Of those who paid, 5417 paid less than £1; 9048 between £1 and £5 ; 3267 between £5 and £10; 2146 between £10 and £20 ; and 2211 over £20. Ifc was only the latter class who could refer to the tax as "grinding." The Bank of New Zealand paid the highest amount of any —about £7000, arid there were sbrrje; wealthy.firms payirig £4000 .or £5d00; If the colony rriade Up its mind to pay its debts and carry on necessary works, this taxation must be j>aid. £4000 aleay was now leaving the colony in the form of interest on borrowed money j and upon whom should the taxation fall to meet the public liabilities, if not on those who haoK money ? Would they have the countiy revert t® the system of ten years ago, when the whole revenue was raised by indirect taxation ? None like to see the tax-col-lector ; but it was in every way better that they should see him and pay him the money direct than have jfc taken from tHem by indirect means. The advantage of the property tax was, that however the money was earned by the taxpayer, it was taxed the same way. It was monstrous to argue that professional or any other classes escaped its operation. A blot upon the system was the • £500 exemption. "What claim had the £50.000 man to this exemption of £50t\? He would have it that every man in the coftntry should be liable; . that the Government should have . the right of. collecting the tax, though it might be only sixpence, but that at the same time it should be understood that no amount less than £1 should be collected. This, while practically exempting all worth less than £250 from the operation of the tax, would more than double the returns. .The Government might then reduce the tax from Id to. id and raisfcJ dri.equal revenue, br better still, reduce the indirect taxation on some of the necessaries of life. The property tax yielded £255,000. Could any statesman take that amount from the country by direct taxation without causing some grumbling ? The land tax yielded £55,000, and the fact that the property tax returned five times as much was a proof of its greater efficiency. Eor ten years the colony bad gone afc a headlong rate. Gambling was a mild term for administration of its affairs. It behoved them* now to be careful. The public indebtedness had not yet reached its full amount. When Parliament met, four or five millions more would have to be borrowed, and another £50,000 a year added to the interest charged Important public works were still unfinished, and while ifc was necessary to sco that these were pushed on with all despatch, the strictest regard to economy would have to be obsprved. It was obviously just that the properties which benefited by these large public works should be taxed to meet the charges. Mr Vogel was free from blame in this matter. His Public Works Bill made properties liable for such charges ; but the large landed proprietors in Parliament laid their heads together and succeeded in repsaling the clause. Our railway was about; to be extended seven miles. When ifc reached Tahoraite all the property there would be doubled or trebled in value. If these lands were not rated in proportion, how was the colony to benefit from the expenditure ? Dozens of private fortunes had been made already at public expense, and the gentlemen who had thus benefited were now asked to contribute by the property tax somethimg by way of return. Mr Ormond objected to the property tax as a tax on improvements, but had not established his point. In reality ifc did not affect improvements in any way. The owner of an unimproved property worth £1000, with £1000 cash in the bank, would pay tax on £2000. During the year let this man spend his £1000 in improvements, or borrow £500 and spend £1500. Would ifc be reasonable to assume that at the end of the year he would find himself richer ? He would probably find himself something poorer, and it might be years before his improvements would return interest on the capital they had absorbed. So far from the property tax driving away capital, they found there had never been such an influx. It was clear to the capitalists that New Zealand was setting her hoijje in order, and making a genuine effort to pay her debts, and the result was increased confidence in the colony as a field for investment. Capt. Russell, referring to the reduction of' the property tax, said he was glad of it, and hoped it would soon be entirely done away with. He (Mr Sutton) hoped it would be many years before it was done away with. He had paired the reduction, telling the Government he could not possibly support ifc. The Government in 1880 had tried to take away an important feature of the tax by excluding personal property from its operation, but had to drop the proposal, which he thought was matter for congratulation. _ Its effect would have been to have made it a class tax, and he did not see why land should be singled out for taxation while personal property was exempt. On one important point ho had differed from his colleague. He had given one pledge — that lie would endeavour to obtain for Napier its own representative, and he did his best to have the Representation Bill carried. Captain Russell made no objection to the Bill till his return from Napier, when ho demanded that all the natives should be placed on the roll. The effect would have been that in the Hawke's Bay district 480 natives, who paid no direct tax, would have been placed on the roll, with the effect of utterly swamping the European vote. When the natives undertook to pay their share of the taxes, acknowledged the authority of the Supreme Court, and assumed the other obligations of British subjects, then, and npt till then, would he advocate their admission, to equal electoral rights with Europeans. (Great applause.) Experience had shown that where the Maori vote existed it was freely used, and that while only about three-fifths of the European voters came to the poll, nearly every native vote was exercised. Five hundred and fifty votes would carry the present election." What would be their opinion if, of those 550 votes, 480 *vere polled by natives ? Captain Russell, after his return, opposed the bill at every stage, and the course he took was a surprise to his whole party. He (Mr Sutton) expected tho fight would be a hard one ; he there sou|(hfc the support of the electors, and believed he had claims to that support which they would not overlook. He had not sent round written agreements to the different districts and asked gentlemen to sign them. These were times of ballot boxes; such a proceeding was foreign to the institution of the ballot, and he would not descend to it. He

was content to leave every elector free to vote according to his conscience, and was perfectly satisfied to abide the result. (Applause.) He was opposed by nearly all the large landholders of the district who did not attempt to disguise the fact that they supported Captain Russell because his intents were their own. This had been openly stated, and there was a great deal in it. Let the electors think it over, and act according on the 9th of next month. Captain Russell's interests might be those of tho large landowners, but were those interests theirs ? Was it their interest that taxation should be shovelled off from the wealthy upon them? One of Captain Russell's supporters who gave the reason he had mentioned asked " Can you blame me ?" He (Mr S) said " I cannot say. You support Captain Russell because you believe he will try to exempt you and your class from taxation?" To which he replied, "Yes; I believe he will deal gently with me." He could not but think at the time of the political reaction in Victoria. So sure as the propertied classes combined to evader their just share of the public burdens, so surely would the non-propertied classes combine in still greater force, and throw off the yoke. The case of Victoria was a recent exampie. There they had seen a ministry hurried out of office, the government of the country upset, and the whole business of the colony, public and private thrown into confusion by just such a reaction. Monied men were necessary to a country, and he hoped to see many more in . the colony ; but when they came they must be prepared to take their fair share of the burdens. One or two alterations had been made in our electoral system. Triennial parliaments he considered a piece of nonsense, and the adoption of this so-called liberal measure one of the greatest mistakes our Parliament had made. Few men could stand the expense and worry of a contest every three years j it had already led to the retirement of some of our best Wen; anrl he' woulddohisbestto wipeitout. One bad effect was to act as a deterrent where a dissolution was desired on some important public question. While the ordinary duration of Parliament was so short, a Government would he chary of throwing the country into a contested election. He had told them that the landed interest was banded against him ; but more than this, the employers of labor Were making every effort to induce their employes to block their votes for his opponent. He did not think that our liberal franchise was ever intended to be made the instrument of tyranny such as this 3 nor did he think these efforts would be successful. Referring to the Crown and Native Lands Rating Bill, he described it as a step but only a step in tho right direction, inasmuch as it recognised that all the lands in the country should contribute to the direct taxation. They would not then find £13,000 or £14,000 spent in five years by a county in roads for the benefit of people who paid no rates. He would not rest until all Crown and native lands were rated —not on a nominal valuation of £1 or 6s 8d per acre, but on the same basis as the surrounding properties. Mr Ormond did not object to the Rill, and had supported it in His speech in 1877 j but he objected to the Rbcld Construction Bill; which enabled Road and River Boards to obtain money at a cheap rate—a measure of immense benefit to the country. Under its provisions their local River Board, if in need of money, could have obtained it repayable in 27 half-yearly sums of 4£ per cent on the whole. He believed the Board had borrowed £800 from a private gentleman at 8 per cent. Under the proposed Bill they could have obtained the amount from the Government, and by paying 9 per cent would have wiped off the whole debt in thirteen years. He believed in practice this would have operated well. For the construction of a road, if approved, the colony would advance the whole amount, payable in twenty half-yearly payments without interest. If the amount borrowed were £1500, the country would be required merely to levy a rate whicii would pay off the amount at the rate of £25 per half-year. Such a provision would be of very great assistance to local bodies. They might ask whence the money came. It was derived from land sales, and the funds thus obtained could not be more legitimately spent. Mr Ormond was quite right in saying that such a scheme would tend to perpetuate the county system. Another important provision in the Bill referred to roads through unsold lands. The Government proposed to add to the price of the land the estimated cost of opening it by roads, with the absolute assurance that the roads should be constructed when required by the purchasers. Great objection had been raised to the constitution of the Board, but there need not have been much difficulty about a matter of detail like this, when the essential principles of the Bill had bsen affirmed by a large majority. If returned he intended to give a fair support to the Government, whose principles he had supported in the past. He was much pleased that they had again taken to their counsels the ablest and most honest man of the party, Mr Bryce, who had already taken measures which bid fair to settle effectually the interminable West Coast difficulty. Mr Sutton then indicated certain matters of policy now adopted by the country which he claimed to have been the first to propose. An important measure had come before the Legislative Council, the Alienation of Lands Bill which he believed would yet become law, and prevent the locking up of large wastes of country. Under this law an estate would require to be dealt with at the lapse of twelve years from the owner's death. If from any cause it had been locked up during that time, the trustees would be required to apply to the Supreme Court, which would issue an order to cut the land up and dispose of it. If this Bill passed, it would work well, and in conjunction with Mr Stout's Bill abolishing primogeniture, would effectually prevent large estates being locked up from settlement. He would never advocate any " bursting up" legislation, hut he would heartily support measures like these, which were a good deal more in the direction of liberalism than all the triennial Parliament bills ever introduced. He claimed to have kept well to his post during last session ; the frivolities of Wellington had no attractions for him ; and on not more than one or two occasions through the whole period would they find the name of Sutton absent from the division list. During the " Stonewalling" he was in his place for 73 hours consecutively and did not have his clothes off for three nights. In conclusion, he thanked the meeting for the attentive hearing they had accorded him ; he had not been able to travel over the whole ground, and in fact would have to leave something for the other people he was to address. He would now answer any questions the electors wished to puk Mr Sutton resumed his seat amid loud cheers. Mr O'Shannassey asked how the leasehold came to be disfranchised. Mr Sutton said the present bill struck out the leasehold qualification. The Government afterwards proposed to re-insert the qualification, and tried hard to do it, but without success. While he was on his feet he would tell them one of Mr Swanson's ' yarns,' which he had intended to relate whilo he was speaking on the subject of taxation. In 1879 Mr Swanson related, he met a friend in Queen-street, who said ' What do you mean by passing this property tax ? I can't possibly pay it. Tbe confounded corporation, too, has just put another sixpence on tiie rates. There were no such taxes as this when we were at home ; and I get the Glasgow papers still, and there's nothing like it now.' To whicii Mr Swanson replied : ' Eh, when you and I were in Glasgow the rates were small concern of ours ; and I reckon if we'd stayed there till now it would have mattered very little to us how they fixed the rates and taxes.' (Great Laughter.) Mr J. Bennett, in a eulogistic speech, sketched Mr Sutton's political history, and proposed a vote of confidence. The speaker was a good deal interrupted by Mr Don-

nelly, who occupied a seat in the body of hall. Tho Chairman said that Mr Donnelly would have an opportunity of speaking when the question was before the meeting. Mr Donnelly ascended tho platform, and his appearance was tho signal for much uproar. Ho returned to the body of the hall and came back to his place on the platform in company with Mr T. Jeffares. Mr Jeffares said he. wished to move as an amendment a voto of thanks. He did not suppose Mr Sutton desired the vote of confidence, which would only be a sham. If he knew what their insides were, it would be different. (Laughter.) They had better wait and hear what Captain Russell had to say. The declaration of the poll would show who had their confidence. Mr Jeffares then handed a paper to the chairman. The Chairman said the paper just given to him did not contain the words of Mr Jeffares's amendment. If Mr Jeffares would read it to the meeting, he would accept it. Mr Jeffares did not read the paper as requested. Mr Donnelly said he seconded the amendment with great pleasure. He then proceeded to refer personally to M? Bennett. Mr Bennett came forward with some warmth, and replied to Mr Donnelly. A very irregular and personal discussion between the two was kept up for about a quarter of an hour, the audience cheering and hooting the two champions most heartily., Mr Bennett said Mr Donnelly had never paid sixpence rates in the district, to which Mr Donnelly replied that he had contributed £25 to a bridge, &c, &c. The Chairman having suceeded in restoring order, called for a show of hands for the amendment, and then for the resolution. He declared the result to be for the amendment (thanks), 27; for the resolution, 30 and declared the vote of confidence carried. A vote of thanks to the chair, and three lusty cheers for Mr Sutton closed the proceedings. Three cheers for Russell were called for, hut ho response was given. The meeting broke up at 9.45 p.m.-