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Daily Telegraph (Napier), Issue 3076, 6 May 1881, Page 2

The Government ot Mr Gladstone appears destined to pass through very troubled waters before they arrive at anything like a solution of the Irish land question. The first object of any government dealing with such a pressing question must be to frame a measure which will have some probability of being acceptable to a majority in both Houses of the Legislature. The difficulties in the way of this are manifest at the outset. The opinions upon land tenure are bo manifold and diverse, even among the professed supporters of the present Government, that it surprised no one to hear that the Duke of Argyle had seceded from the Cabinet in consequence of a difference of opinion between himself and his colleagues on this question. The Duke of Argyle, liberal to a degree upon most question, Bocial, political, and religious, is a fair representative of the old Whigs upon this question of land tenure. In addition to the remnants of the old Whig party, who are still influential in both Houses, but especially in the Lords, there is the full strength of the "stupid party," which will be used to the utmost against any innovation on tbe obsolete ideas they have contended, for so long. These two parties united will prove a formidable obstacle to the passing of anything like a thorough land measure through the House of Commons; and their opposition in the Upper House may prove insurmountable. But all difficulties might eventually be overcome if those to whom Mr Gladstone might reasonably look for support were firmly united upon this question. Looking at all parties, and sections of parties, who have professed a desire for change in the laws relating to land in Ireland we find nothing but confusion and strife. The great mass of the Irish people, led by Mr Parnell and the Land League, chafing under the Coercion Act, are more irreconsilable than ever, and they have the support and sympathy of an extreme and formidable section of English Radicals, led by such men as Cowan, Labouchere, and Bradlaugh. In addition to all this we have the recent declaration of the Irish Hierarchy that this land Bill of Mr Gladstone's is unsatisfactory as a whole, and especially obnoxious in that portion referring to emigration. Tbe power of the Irish priesthood has undoubtedly waned since the passing of the Ballot Act, but enough still remains to make their support more to be desired than that of any other organization in Ireland. Their intelligence, and earnest longing for peace for their distracted country, may lead them to seek a compromise with the powers that be, but it is clear that the English Government must make some very considerable change in the Land Bill before they can expect anything like a cordial support from the priesthood. Whether Mr Gladstone's undoubted personal influence and tact will enable him to bring about something like cohesion among the, at present, discordant elements in the House of Commons remains to be seen. Even if he should so far succeed, there appears little probability, that a measure, which will in any degree satisfy the great bulk of the Liberal party in the House of Commons will have the slightest chance of passing through that mass of prejudice and bigotry, upon matters connected with land tenure, which still existsin the House of Lords. If that august body should be so far left to himself, as to seek a collision with the strongly expressed feeling in the country in favor of a change in the land tenure in Ireland, it may be the commencement of a conflict out of which the hereditary legislators will not come scathless. The wise head which so often educated his party to take occasion by the hand is no longer with them; he has taken his place "on the side of the angels," and a leader lacking his clearness of judgment may press the House of Lords into an attitude of defiance to the Lower House which may speedily bring about so radical a change in the constitution of the Second Estate as might well be avoided for a considerable time to come.