THE REAL IRISH ISSUE
SINN FEIN READY TO GIVE UP REPUBLIC WHAT IT WANTS ULSTER THE STUMBLINGBLOCK ROCK ON WHICH PEACE EFFORT MAY FOUNDER (Special to The Dominion,) [By John Lloyd Balderston.] Mr. Balderston again reviews the Irish situation, and throws Interesting light on the inner side of the position, As his correspondence is widely used by American publications, Mr. Bald- «. erston endeavours to- mako clear those Issues which are exciting most interest amongst the people of the United States. It will be noted that this letter is dated October 24, and that some of the events then forecasted a month ago have been confirmed by subsequent cable news. London, October 24. Thia week there opens in London a conference unique in the history of the world. Around the historic table at No. 10 Downing Street, the same piece of oak at which sat England's Ministers during our revolutionai-y war, Sinn Fein delegates will try to hammer out a peace .with the British Cabinet. Sitting to-
gether will be a British Minister and a I Sinn Leiner who signed, hie death warrant two years ago, a warrant the Dublin gunmen never succeeded in “executing.” Thei original document was captured, and is now a treasured possession of the “condemned." The two men have already met since the truce, and the Englishman found the Irishman who ordered his murder, so he told me, "not half a bad fellow.” Only a fool would attempt in advance to prophesy the success or failure of this conference. But I propose in this story to set down the issues which really divide Sinn Fein and Britain, and to indicate the course which the secret debates will take. For there is a wide gulf between the real points of divergence and those which are put forward for propaganda purposes in the English and Irish Press, and from public platform by the leaders of both sides.
THE REPUBLICAN ISSUE DEAD. The world, including the average EnglishmAn and Irishman, tfetleves ihat tile question of an “Irish liepublic” is to be argued at this This is not true. The republican issue is dead, and if it were not dead the London conference could never have been held. But it must not be supposed that the Irish delegates will admit' thfti they have abandoned the republic. They are prepared to do this on terms; that, is, if a settlement which they consider sa.isfactory is reached, they will then openly give up the republican aim, their extremists ea-isfied for the moment by the suggestion from the moderates that if an Irish Dominion does not in practice satisfy the aspira-ions of the Irish people the republic agitation can be taken up later with a much stronger chance of success once Ireland has been officially admitted to bo a “free people” in the sense in which Canadians and Australians are free. Lloyd George understands this attitude, and recognises that Sinn Fein cannot give up the republic in advance. An informal understanding has been reached between the two sides that if the conference fails it shall be considered to have been, held “without prejudice.” This somewhat cryptic phnase I have heard used by leaders of both sides, and it appears to mean, that the Sinn Feiners nan go back to Dublin, ihe conference having broken down, and tell their followers that they have bartered away nothing, and ' that the position is ihe same as before the truce. The compromises and concessions proposed ,in private discussion will therefore never leak out in the event of failure. England, ioo, is prepared to make more concessions than nave been officially admitted, provided a settlement can be reached, but if the conference fails Lloyd George will also contend that the position has reverted to that of July, and that he is nob bound by any offers made during the negotiations. SINN FEIN’S REAL AIMS. So much understood, ihe real aims of the two sides, as distinguished from those put forward for propaganda, purposes, will now be stated. Sinn Fein will go into conference with the following minimum aims: — Ireland to be constituted a Dominion under cue Crown, but with a Parliament as fully independent as. those of Canada and Australia, and with complete fiscal autonomy and complete control over Irish, military forces. The Irish will, however, agree no. to build any warships, and the British Fleet, as representing the Empire, will have as tree uso ot naval buses and supplies as it would have of the ports of, an overseas Dominion. The Home Rule Bill, under which the
Parliament of Northern Ireland has been
set up, must be repealed, as inconsistent with .the Dominion status of the island. But Sinn Fein is prepared to make concessions to Ulster, in direct negotiation between Bail Eneann and the Ulster Cabinet, which it is claimed will leave Ulster practically, as autonomous and as free from Southern control as she is now.
An agreement, when reached on these terms, must be ratified' net only by agreement between Dail Eireann and the British Government alone, but by the solemn treaty in which the Dominions guarantee the fulfilment of the treaty, as was suggested by General Smuts when he, first went to Ireland and arranged the truce. THE BRITISH ATTITUDE. The British attitude will be as follows:— ' . Under no circumstances can any claim to independence or secession be admitted. ’ An Irish Dominion will bi- constituted, as Lloyd George has already promised, but this cannot include the six counties of Northern Ireland unless Ulster so agrees, because the faith of the British Parliament is pledged to maintain the Parliament already set up in Belfast. It will be held by Lloyd George in conference that Southern Ireland should accept Dominion status for itself, and trust that time will induce Ulster to join in. The British delegates will assure Sinn Fein that they will be delighted if by direct negotiation Dublin and Belfast can come to an agreement by which. Ulster takes a place in the ncw.Dominion of Ireland,-’but that Britain cannot exercise any pressure on Belfast to agieo. to the wishes of Dublin, nor can this country permit either armed action or economic boycott by the South against the North with a view to coercing Ulster to meet Sinn Pt-in’s wishes. England will agree in conference to concede all other of Sinn Fein’s demands, provided Sinn Fein will. accept for Ireland a share of the British national debt. For the general accuracy of the position as staled I can vouch. hut, . of course, if the conference fails the ini poj-tant concessions which the above terms represent from both Sides will lapse,
and war will probably bo resumed in Ireland with Sinn Fein claiming an out-and-out republic, and the British determined to put down rebellion and impose whatever terms they choose when they have succeeded. ULSTER THE ROCK AHEAD. It will be seen that the rock upon which the conference will founder is not independence but Ulster. At present no formula had been discovered whiea can get over this apparently insuperable ditliculty. If Ulster would respond to the wishes of the British Government, she would undoubtedly agree to carry on her present Parliament under the terms or a new Act which would end the union between Great Britain and Ireland, and make Ulster an integral part of the new. Dominion, but with her autonomy so guaranteed that she would 0 against the Soutn. This Sinn I-ein would accept, but this unfortunately appeals to be beyond' the powers of either the British Government or Dail Eneann to bring about. .. Ulster is sullen, suspicious, believes that England wishes to abandon and betray her to the wolves of the South, and is more prepared than ever to resist by force any modification of tho present status. Moreover, Ulster’s tactical position has been vastly impro' ed since she actually obtained a Parliament from the British, elected it, and set it to ' v ° rk - There would appear to be no legal men. by which what has been done by Ix,nc ' f>l ’ Sn be undone, and no way to coerce the North, for the bulk of the Unionist Party in England is sympathetic with the views of Ulster, and “ not consent to .coercion, either y ish or Sinn Fein forces.
THE TACTICS PURSUED. Mr information concerning the inner movements in Irish politics during the past four years has been, if I ™ ay •' dulge in a little boasting, almost uniformly accurate. This is because I was fortunate enough to meet and become friendly with most of the Sinn 1 ein leaders in Dublin during the war; Ihate known many of them since befo a Easter Week rebellion, and have seen them at frequent intervals since, and in England I have also been able to keep in touch with Cabinet circles. I make these personal remarks because it s unlikely that what is ..written m this storv will correspond with cable dispatches dealing with the of tho conference. Sinn lem thinks it necessary to maintain before the worfd ?t 3 Treconcilible attitude until a settlement is actually reached, there wll bo a great deal of gallery playing in the Press and possibly even in the conference itself at tho start. ~ “If De Valera had accepted unconditionally Lloyd , George’s first proposal to A conference he would have been a dead man in twenty-four hours, a leading member of tho Dail told me last month. The whole course of negotiations leading up to tSe ’ conference has been filled with perils to their cause and to their lives for the "moderates. Do Valera and Arthur Griffith and Michae! Collins, who finally after weeks of bitter discussion persuaded their extremists to lot--them go to London and do the best they can for Ireland. .
MODERATES AND EXTREMISTS. 1 It may seem odd to call Michael Colfins, chief of the "gunmen,” upon whose nead a great price was laid’by the Bntisli Government, a "moderate. But so he is, as,the term i| used to-day in Dublin. lie wants peace on the terms set down above.. The "extremists’ ot to-day m the Sinn Fein camp are the men who would go on fighting until Great Britain recognises the independence of Ireland; and the extremists have no representation on the present Irish peace delegation, although at least two ot the Sinn Fein representatives are gunmen with a sanguinary record. The leaders of the "gunmen," the people who have risked their lives daily in the operations of the I R.A., are much more mocleiate” so I have been told in Dublin, thnri some of their elders who have not been called upon to do any fighting at all a state of affairs common in all wars, and not confined to the Emerald Isle THE CENTRE OF DANGER.
From'an Irish source whose views 1 have found trustworthy in the past, and where 1 received advance intimations oi the Easter rebellion and many imP° events since that time, 1 learn that the greatest danger to the existing truce lies not in the attitude of. the leaders in Dublin or Belfast, but in the rival camps in the two border counties of Tyrone and Fermanagh, on the borders of Ulster and Nationalist Ireland. Events there are moving of themselves, uncontrolled by the leaders of Sinn Fein, who are in terror lest some unheard of local hero should organise a “coup” , during the London Conference and precipitate a bloody ci-ash between North and South that will undo all the work for peace. Tyrone and Fermanagh are counties which are included in the ancient province of Ulster, and they belong to the present block of six counties which return members to the Elster Parliament. Accordingly, from the British point ot view, they belong to Ulster. They contain however, I believe, ft small Nationalist majority. So hot has been party feeling that the vote for the Ulster Parliament did not accurately represent sentiment; terrorism was rife in some districts, and many Sinn Feiners would not vote. It is claimed by Ulstermen, and I think accurately, that Sinn lein has been “colonising” these two counties since the Home Rule Bill passed with Sinn Fein settlers, so that a Catholic majority might be ensured. I. However that may be, since the truce went into effect the Sinn Ferners ot Tyrone and Fermanagh have been boldin" mass meetings repudiating the authority of tho Belfast Parliament, and demanding that Bail Eireann in Dublin receive members from the two counties. Breaches of the truce have resulted which both Sinn Fein and the British authorities have done their best m tho interests of general peace to keep quiet, but a state of extreme tension persists. AN ANALOGY.
The analogy 'between Tyrone and iermanagii. and the Fiume, Silesian, and West Hungarian disputes of recent years leaps to the eye. In each of these cases n nation laboured under a sense of injustice! because territory that it claimed was withheld from it. A spark started the blaze. D’Annunzio seized I'iume, Korfanty grabbed Silesia, without the consent of the Italian or Polish Governments but, the coups once made, public opinion in Italy and Poland was so strong in favour of the aggressor that the Governments concerned were unable to t-ake measures against him for a long period. ~ Sinn Fein fears that a Tyrone or Fermanagh D’Annunzio or Korfanty will arise get under his control the Irish volunteers of his homo district, proclaim the adhesion of the two counties to Dublin, and try to expel the Belfast officials. There is so miicn religious hatred and brnotry in these regions that a bloody civil war would break out nt once if such an attempt were made, and opinion in the Protestant- North and (he Catholic '’South would so strongly rally to tho support of the Protestant and Catholic champions that all the endeavours of tho Dublin and Belfast leaders to restrain their compatriots might prove unavailing. The British Government is not nnnlive to this danger, and has concentrated important forces in Tyrone and Fermanagh, with instructions to take prompt measures against irregulars of either side who may break tho truce. THE FRONTIER QUESTION, But Hie "frontier question,” as it is called in Dublin, is certain to come to the fore in the London negotiations, if they ever get so far. Sinn Fein has definitely decided, I am told, not to "abandon” the Nationalists of Tyrone
and Fermanagh to Ulster. Accordingly, when Sinn Fein in the London Conference offers to grant Ulster autonomy within the Dominion of Ireland, Sinn Fein will mean by "Ulster” only four counties, not the six counties now comprised in the Belfast Government. This may bring the whole Irish question to a deadlock even if a settlement of all other points is possible. For it is difficult to see how the British Government can go back on the Homo Rulo Act, bv which the six counties were given to tho Belfast Parliament. Sinn Fein, I am told, will probably propose, a plebiscite in Tyrone and Fermanagh. Lloyd George and his fellow ministers would have no objection to this, if Ulster would agree. But Ulster will never agree, and tho Government hero will probably feel unable to attempt coercion. Even Liberal opinion will not sanction tearing from Ulster two counties of the six which have been recognised by British law, and if Liberal opinion went so far the strong Tory Party would revolt from the Coalition on the issue. Ulster’s position on this ' frontier question ” as stated to me by a well-informed Belfast official, is that Ulster will stand pat on her rights as defined under the Home Rule law, and will not listen to any suggestions tending to separate two of her counties from the rest. A plebiscite will be rejected on this ground alone. Moreover, even were the Homo Rule Act- not in force, the Northerners would' not consider a plebiscite because they sav Sinn Fein has been flooding the disputed district With settlers who do not belong in Tyrone or Fermanagh, but who have been planted there in order to ensure a Sinn Fein majority m a plebiscite, if there should be one or to swell the ranks of leers if “the dispute is settled by fighting. ■ ■ A SINN FEIN LEADER’S VIEWS. Last night I had a two-hour, conversation with one of the Sinn lem leaders who has come to London for the conference. This man gave mo an interesting outline of tho present position of Ireland and England in world policy as he understands it. I believe ho spoke for u e more moderate section of the Dau Ca net. Somewhat summarised and condensed, his opinions were as follow: “We in Ireland know perfectly well that we are really pawns in a grea • international game. The British Goveri - ment is anxious to come to terms with us not because wo have defeated the r armies in ihe field or because thy hate had any change- of heart, but because Lloyd George has seen at last the disastrous repercussions which our fight for freedom has been having on British interests all over tho world. “England now' recognises that a “ understanding with the United States is a necessity, otherwise America will outbund the British fleet, cripple England financially by demanding full £P of the war loan in a short time, an perhaps, ultimately, take the side of France in the world-wioe c ash of Bnlsh and French interests which we now £ commencing. If England can obiain American friendship by granting justice to .Mand she thinks the price not too high. . % "From the private talks which JA Valera had with Lloyd George in London two months ago, mpon which he fully reported to the Cabinet when he “turned Ito Dublin, wo are convinced that the British Prime Minister will go j st as far ns he dates towards giving us what we want. We do not trust bun ns far as we can see him. our dealing with England in tho past have made ns distrustful of all English politicians but we are optimistic because wo think we cee the English point of view, and if our analysis is correct the English have made up their mind that they must rdvo us the essentials of . If they do so, honestly, and without trickery or evasion, a formula can be found, for wo realise of course the difficulties of prestige involved in recognising a republic owing no allegiance to the British Crown.” That last sentence I noted at thj time, and it is put down textually ns spoken; it seems to me important ns a hint from the highest Sinn Fein quarters that Sinn Fein is prepared to accept the Crown ns tho link between Trelnnd and the other self-governing nations that mako up tho British Commonwealth. (Copyright, 1921, by The McClure Newspaper Syndicnte.)
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Dominion, Volume 15, Issue 54, 26 November 1921, Page 9
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3,133THE REAL IRISH ISSUE Dominion, Volume 15, Issue 54, 26 November 1921, Page 9
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