EMPIRE AFFAIRS

Dominion, Volume 15, Issue 17, 14 October 1921, Page 9

EMPIRE AFFAIRS

SURVEY BY MR. MASSEY WORK OF THE IMPERIAL . CONFERENCE " THE NAVY AND EMPIRE FINANCE STATUS OF THE DOMINIONS - DEFINED The Prime Minuter made his promised statement regarding the business of the Imperial Conference in the House of Representatives last isvcning. The galleries were full, and members listened to Mr. Massey for two hour 5 with keen attention. The Prime Minister spoke of the constitution of the Empire, the new status of the Dominions, the, AngioJapaneso Treaty, the Washington Conference, Imperial finance, and other matters of outstanding importance. He gave much attention to the relations of the Dominions to the Sovereign and to the United Kingdom, and declared that Mr. Lloyd George was in effect the Prime Minister of the British Empire to-day.

Air. Massey explained, in hie opening •remarks, that au much of tho business of tlie Imperial Conference had boon of a confidential nature, his statement to the Jibuse must necessarily be of a somewhat general character. He had no doubt as to the success of tho Conference, and, speaking for himself, that the foundations of a system had been laid that would assist in keeping the different countries of tho Empire together for many centuries to' comt. (Hear, hear.) J’rior to the Great War, the different countries of tho Empire were dependencies, but on account of tho splendid patriotism they had displayed, the valour of their soldiers, and the magnificent assistance they had been able to Tender in the great struggle, it was admitted all round that the time had como when they must coaso to bo dependencies in the ordinary term, and. become partners, although junior partners, in the Empire itself. And that .was the position .. to-day. There was no written constitution, but none was needed. As a matter of fact, there were more objections to a written constitution than there werp arguments in favour of it. Mr, Afassey proceeded to put on record the personnel of ' the Conference, and paid a tribute to the ablo v secretariat that, was associated with it/ He said that the fullest information was given to aIT the members of the Conference, even in regard to foreign affairs, and the member!? were treated as equals in every way with the representatives of the Mother Country. ■ THE JAPANESE TREATY AND THE SILESIAN QUESTION. Two important matters that had come before the Conference were tho Japanese Treaty and the Silesian question. For a' week or ten days, while tho .Conference....'..,, was kitting, thl* Silesian question seemed to be just as. serious as it could be, but a decision was reached, and for the first limo, in llio’history of the Empire, the States of the Empire were able to speak wi.tli one voice, and with no uncertain sound. Tie bad no doubt that it was' . because of that fact that the Silesian . .'question had been practically settled, for he felt sure that the difficulty had now passed. Progress had also been made in regard to other important Imperial .ques- ‘ tioiis, notably in regard to Egypt, India, and .Persia. Tho position in regard to the AngloJapanese Treaty had been made easier by the legal decision that tho Treaty must remain in existence until a year after it had been denounced by one or other of the parties to it. : That was a very important decision, and would have an important effect on tho peace of the world, which was much more likely to be secured with the treaty in force than' if it had been denounced. Japan had been Britain’s faithful ally for twenty years. (Hear, hear.) ■ Japan had not taken n very active part in the" war, but she had been willing to do anything fliat had been asked of her, nnd they oil knew how she had assisted in the convoy of the troops trom this side of the world. He admitted that Japan was always able to make a very good bargain for hwself. Still she had stood by. the Empire, and it would have been a. very serious matter if in the hour of Britain's peril she had deserted and gone over to the other side. He did not think it was possible for Japan to think of leaving Britain, and, after all she had done, it would ba impossible for tho British Empire to turn away from Japan. He was glad that tho treaty remained in operation. The statesmen of Britain were honourable men. nnd the people of Britain were honourable, and they would never do anything that was not straightforward and honourable. (Hear, hear.) Tho denouncing of the treaty would only result, J.i a weakening of the British position. Fume people had been expressing the opinion that Britain should stand alone nnd have no nlli's. He could not agree nith that. There were also other countries with which, owing to geographical reasons, Britain must continue to be associated. He referred more particularly to France, and Belgium. Tie hoped that Britain’s relations with those countries would never be anything else but friendly, and he had the same feeling In regard to tho United States. If, it were possible to have an alliance with America it would have a great effect on tlio peace of tho world, and lie would support it to-morrow, because the Americans were so largely of the samo stock * e; ourselves. Ho would like in the years to come to sco such an arrangement. Tho world was sick of war, and wanted a long rest from war. He should like to think that there would bo no more, wars, hut that could only bo brought about by an agreement with tlio .three Great Powers of tho world, Britain, America, and Japan. PARTNERS OF EMPIRE RESPONSIBILITIES AS WELL AS PRIVILEGES. Ho hud already expressed the opinion that tho Conference was a success. Every member of it was of tho same opinion. Mr. Lloyd George, for whom he entertained tho highest respect, and for whose judgment he had unqualified admiration — (hear, hear)—had expressed tho hope that tho Conference would be able to meet every year. He did not know if that would bo possible, because tho representatives of tho overseas Dominions could not very well afford to bo absent from their own countries for six months or every year. At present they could not go to the Conference in loss time than that without causing great inconvenience to the peoples of their respective countries. Ho saw no way out except by occasionally meeting in other pnrts of tho Empire. If, for instance, they were to meoi in ono of tho western cltlfts of Canada, Ministers from this side of the world could go to the Conference

■ , and be back within three months. ’ Canada should have the first turn, be- , cause she was the senior partner in the ! Empire, and her population was the largest of the Dominions. Then Australia and New Zealand might have their turn. This would bring the Confer--1 enco away from the distractions of the London season—(laughter)—and though he appreciated tho hospitality of the English people he thought this would bo a good thing, for business might be more rapidly transacted away from this influence. He asked them to imagine a sitting of the Imperial Conference in Wellington. - ■An hon. member: Auckland. (Laughter.) Mr. Massey: "I am sure that Auckland and Wellington would sink their differences in a case like that. Auckland would bo generous enough to do that.” One reason above all others why tho Conference should sit. in other places than London was that it would he an '• education for the statesmen of tile United Kingdom such as they had never enjoyed un to tho present. (Hear, hear.) Ho felt certain that the statesmen of England could not know the Empire from Downing Street, though he had' a tremendous admiration for the grasp that British statesmen had of Imperial affairs. The people of the Dominions were jiow partners of the Empire, continued the Prime Minister, and that meant that they had duties and responsibilities as well as privileges. Ho had ceased to be pessimistic about tho future of the Empire since his last visit to London. Before he went to London this year he had not been at all confident that the new arrangements would work out well. But he had no doubts on the point now. Progress of the right kind had been made. One very important point was that the peoples of tho Empire, through the events of the war nnd the meetings of the Imperial Conference, had realised what it meant to be citizens •of the British Empire. The Empire was the most important factor in preserving the peace' of tho world to-day. The great empires that had existed in tho past had been small in comparison. Tho Empire did not comprise merely tho United Kingdom, the Dominions, and India. It included also no fewer than 43 Crown colonies, each of them under tho administration of a representative of the King. Some of these territories were large and .closely populated. Their total population exceeded 100,000,000. The population of the Empire as a whole exceeded 450,000,000. STATUS OF EGYPT. Egypt was one of tho dependencies of the Empire. He did not know just what tho government of Egypt was going to bo in the future, but ho could say confidently that Egypt was going to remain within the Empire. It might have self-government. Ho would have no objection to that. But Egypt must remain under the British flag because the Suez Canal was essential to the well-being of the Empire. British communities could not risk being denied tho use of tho canal in peace or in war. Some adjustments might require to be made in the future regarding the ownership of the canal, and he had no doubt they would be made in a liberal spirit. Compensation would be paid if it ought to be paid. But tho canal would not s be allowed to pass into tho hands of a 'possible or potential enemy. AN IMPERIAL CABINET. Turning again to the question, of the status) of the recent Imperial Conference, Mr. Massey said that tho Dominion Ministers had taken part in tho management of the affairs of the Empire, including foreign affairs. Ho had noticed that Mr. Lloyd George, in reporting to the .House of Commons upon tho work of the Conference, had five times called ft a "Cabinet.” Perhups ho had felt unconsciously that the term was the right one. The name was not a matter of great importance, although there had been a difference of opinion on the point. lie might bo asked what was the difference between a conference and a- Cabinet. The difference was that a conference could consider important matters, survey the facts and make decisions. But it stopped there. Tho Imperial Conference in pa'st years had made decisions, but these decisions had been referred to the British Government, and that Government had made them, effective by recommending them for the approval of the King. But a Cabinet, on the other band, could make its own decMbns effective. Hie own idea had been that if the Imperial gathering stopped short of making recommendations to tho Sovereign its position would be weakened. In tho end this point was conceded and not disputed Tho gatherins', therefore, reccivesi the' status of a CldJtnet. Mr. Massey quoted from the report of the Conference to show that Mr. Lloyd George had admitted that the decisions reached were tlie decisions of a Cabinet

DOMINION AUTONOMY MAINTAINED. But tho decisions of the Imperial Conference had not bound tlie Dominions, continued Air. Alassey. "What has happened , leaves us in tho position «'o occupied” before," ho said. "Wo mamrgo our own affairs, make our own laws, arrange our own finances. Our autonomy is not interfered with in Hie very slightest. Everything of importance has got to go before the Parliaments of tire different countries. Tlie partnership is with regard to foreign affairs aud tire defence of tho Empire. Mr. Al’Callum (Wairau): But you say we are not bound? Afr. Massey: "rto. There is no deed of partnership." Ho quoted the statement of Edmund Burke that if the Empire was to bo kept together it must be by bonds light as air but stronger than IronAir. M'Callum: I am with you there-

Mr. Massey: "That is what wo have been doing. Tho bonds that bind the Empire are light as air and stronger than iron, because they are made of patriotic sentime.gt. So long as these bonds exist, so long will tho Empire stand.” If tho Imperial Conference had attempted to do too. much in tho way of forming! links of Empire, it probably’ would have failed and done more harm than good. Ho thought they had gone as far as it was safo to go. Another generation mi"ht go further in the future if it felt it safo and was bo inclined, but his own idea was that a further advance would not bo necessary. THE KING. "I have mentioned the King, and of course I speak respectfully of the Sovereign,” continued Mr. Massey. "Many people have an idea that tho King is a mere figurehead, ’flint ho takes no part in party politics, and has nothing to do with the work of the Empire. That idea is altogether erroneous. I do not think there is a man in tho Empire—and I except not even the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom—who takes as much interest in the public affairs of the Empire and in foreign politics, or who knows as much about them as King George. I have had to be interviewed by tho King, lie sent for us in turn, and discussed the business of tho Conference and so on. I have been amazed at the knowledge displayed by His Majesty in regard to what is going on. A CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCH. "I want to quote from an eminent constitutionalist, a man who has passed away, but who is recognised still as a great authority on constitutional law and custom. He said, when referring to other matters: ‘This Is nothing to what the King can by law do without consulting Parliament. He could disband tho Army. ... Ho could dismiss all the officers, all tho sailors, sell off all our ships end naval stores: he could make pence by the sacrifice of Cornwall, and begin a war by a claim for Brittany. He could make every citizen of the United Kingdom a peer, dismiss most of the Civil service and pardon all offenders.’ The King does not do these things because Ire is a. constitutional monarch by the law, and custom of Britain. He acts on the advice of his Ministers. and if any Minister gave him advice to do any of these things, the Minister, in the old days, would have been liable to be impeached and something liko" a revolution would have taken place. The King is a constitutional monarch. and while he consults with his Ministers at every possible opportunity nnd discussed every proposal of importance from an Empire point of view, ho ndheres strictly to constitutional methods. The effect of it all is that the British Empire to-day has the freest and most ueuiocrafi.c Government in tho world. There is no other system of government to be compared with it." QUESTIONS OF STATUS. When the Conference opened, continued tho Prime Minister, there were in circulation some extraordinary ideas of the difficulties that had been created because the Primo Minister of the self-governing Dominions had signed the Covenant of the League of Nations. It was being suggested at that time that tho Dominions had become independent. The point that was overlooked was that the people of nil tho Dominions were the subjects of tlie King and citizens of the Empire. Whatever changes might have taken place in the constitutional status of thq Dominions, the territories were still part of the Empire nnd the people were the subjects of the King. Those conditions remained firmly established. When tho King went to war on the advice of his Ministers, every ono of his subjects became. automatically engaged in the war. That was tho position under eonstitu-' tional law, and there was no getting away from it. It was quite true that a section of a community might refuse to go to war/) might, say that it would not risk itself in war for king, country, or anything else. People who did that could eaim the eontemnt of their fel-low-citizens, but they did not alter the essential fact that they were at war, and. that tho Empire’s enemy was their enemy. Did anyone imagine that if a State of the Empire declared itself to be standing out of a war in which the Empire was engaged, the enemy would take any notice of such a declaration P Tho people of that State would be automatically at war, and they would be bound by the result of the war. It was a common idea that e. Dominion of tho Empire could do what it liked. It could do nothing of the sort. It might have a rev<olut ; on, but that w..s quite another story. It war an integral part of the Empire os long as it remained within the Empire, and it was hound by the decisions of tho Empire. If a State of the Empire attempted io bo disloyal, it would suffer tho consequences that it deserved.

FINANCES OF THE EMPIRE HUGE DEBTS OF NATIONS. The financial relations of tho Empire and tho Dominions were discussed in some detail by the Prime Minister. Ho said he would refer to -i matter which liad boon the subject of d« great Goal of discussion during tho past years, the financial position of tho Empire. A great deal had been said: about tho debt the United Kingdom to the United States. That a great deal of money was owed to tiro United Slates was ♦rue. and ho hoped that there would never bo any attempt to deny that debt. The debt of the Allies to the Empire was almost as much. Germany’s debt to tho allied nations in reparation in British money was roughly <£6,750,000,000. It had been doubted by many whether Germany would endeavour to face tho position, but ho thought that the money would ha forthcoming. The debt due tn the United States, not Tnctiiding those from Russia, was £2,210.000,009. Russia was in debt for a very groat sum of money, but ho did not think there was any prospect of Russia recovering for very many years from tlie position into which she had fallen. Tho United Kingdom was responsible for £918.090,000 of tho debt duo to the United States. Italy owed America £309.000,000. France owed Britain £557,000.090, and Italy owed Britain £476,000,000. That gave a total of £1,033.000.000 owed by France, and Italy to the United Kingdom. As stated, Britain owed tho United States £918,000,000. Mr. Wilford: "And has backed other countries.” Mr. Massey: To a certain extent, but that is tho direct indebtedness. He had often wondered why some attempt was not made to induce America to take over debts owed by Franco *td Italy f o Britain in lieu of the debt which Britain owed to America. As he had said, tho one was £1,033.000,000, and' tho other £948,000.000. That was the financial position. Hedid not know what would bo done in years to como. If his plan could Ire followed it would do away to a certain extent with the trouble over the exchange, which he thought no country was suffering under worse than America herself. The reason was that a very largo proportion of the world’s supply of gold was stored up in America, and was; not available for the use of other countries. Mr. Parr: “Can Franco and Italy pay?” Mr. Massey: “I believe they aro going to pay twenty shillings in tho pound. I do not think that America would Jose a copper by taking over their debts.” A QUESTION OF LOYALTY. "Before. I go any further,” said the Prime Minister, "I should like to quote part of au address which was presented to His Majesty the King just prior to tho end of tho Conference. There were some doubts about tho loyalty of the Dominions to tho Empire and to tho Sovereign. A member: At the Conference? Mr. Massey: No, not at the Conference. A member: Where were tho doubts expressed ? Mr. Massey: "Very often in the Press. When I was in London, it was said over and over again that there was one morning paper which was receiving Russian gold, in order to spread the propaganda of the Bolsheviks.' I have seen the paper myself.” There wore men in the Empire, ho continued, who would like to see it split up- It was said that they 'were receiving gold from the rebels in India. It was well known‘that the Sinn Feiners had received monetary assistance from enemy , countries (hiring the war. Mr. H. E. Holland": Carson got money during tho war, too. Mr. Massey: Carson is ono of the loyalest men that ever trod in shoe Faihoi. Air. Holland: He was the biggest traitor there ever was in tho EmpireAir. Alassey: "I only wish.tlie honourable gentleman was as loyal as Carson is.” He believed, continued the Prime Alinister, that there was a great conspiracy io break up the Empire and that it was tho duty of British citizens to put down that disloyalty. Before the Conference broke up, ho proceeded, they agreed Io an address which began: "W<‘. the Prime Minister, speaking on behnlf of the United Kingdom, the Dominions, tho Indian Empire, the Crown Colonies, and protectorates, desire to reaffirm our loyalty to_ tlie Throne. AVe consider that tho most essential link which binds our .widelyspread Empire is the Crown. After quoting further portions of the address', Air Alnssev said that nothing could he more definite than that. It could come onlv from a loyal people. It was a clear answer to tho suggestion that any one of tire, nations of tho Empire would contemplate any sort of disloyalty to the Empire. A member: Silken threads. Air Afassev: "That is so, but they are stronger than iron sometimes.” * t ’ ,c ™ had been silken threads in the time of the American colonies, he <' onll ' ll . there might have been no and there m'ght have been no migration of people who were not desnaMe for a British country. The. British strain v. m, Mill strong in fliTs. United . , Ion" as it remained so, there would be friendship between the two coiintres but the time, might come.when it wmd not be so strong as at the present time. A member: It is nil destiny. _ Air Afassey: I believe these things are nil arranged by a higher Power, nnd I do not mind saying so.

PRIME MINISTER OF THE EMPIRE. Another idea that had become prevalent before t’he Conference was that a Dominion of tho Empire could approach the Sovereign directly with a recommendation. The difficulty under this heading might not be apparent at first sight. Hut let members imagine what would be tho position if the Prime Ministers of half n dozen States approached the King directly with recommendations? They could not possibly agree, and t'ho result would be chaos or worso than chaos. The actual position was that ilio Sovereign could only be approached through tlio Government of the United Kingdom, acting with the representatives of the Dominions and of India. In each case tho Primo Minister of the United Kingdom must speak for all. The position at present That Air. Lloyd Georgo was not merely Piffle Alinister of the Unifed Kingdom.'bur was actually Primo Alinister of the British Empire. That was the nositfon rhit had been reached. Air. M'Callum: He is nothing of tho sort. Ho is not our Prime Alinister. You are. Mr. Afassey: I have the honour Ol hein" tlio Primo Alinister of New Zealand? I am not the Primo Minister of the British Empire. Air. Al'Callum: But yon aro Primo Alinister of this part of tho Empire. Al;-. Alassey: The Primo Alinister of tho United Kingdom must bo tho channel of communication with the King. I hope the honourable gentleman doos not imagine that I can approach the King as tho Prime Alinister of New Zealand? Air. M'Callum: As Privy Councillor you can. Air. Massoy: “That is another matter altogether. I can approach him with others as Privy Councillor. But as Primo Alinister of Now Zealand I cannot approach tho King and make recommendations. Tho King would listen to mo courteously, I havo no doubt, but if there was any action to be taken ho would consult the Primo Minister of tho United Kingdom, as the Primo Alinister of tho Empire. That is tho position. I beliovo the system will work satisfactorily and successful iy, because we aro not attempting too much.” Afr. Alassey added that a Dominion could not appoint an Ambassador. Canada had arranged to send n representative to Washington, and this ropresentntivo would havo an office in tho quarters occupied by tho British Ambassador. But he would not bo an Ambassador. He would bo more liko a tnado representative than anyflitng else. No Dominion of too Empire could make n treaty with a foreign Power. A commercial treaty could bo mado, perhaps, but a treaty involving a question of possible war could only bo made by tho King in consultation with his Ministers. Mr. E. J. Howard (Christchurch South): "It is ono big union.” Afr. Massey: "That is what I ho Fntnire is, and I hope will continue to bo ono bi" Empire union for all time.” Ho had endeavoured to make these points clear, for tlrcy had! been up for discussion many times.

ffiE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE AND THE EMPIRE’S SEA POWER. Tho Primo Alinister referred at rome le n g th to tho Washington Conferew o and to the question of naval ment in relation to tho defence of « Empire. He said that ho hoped the result of the conference would bo lon continued peace, but ho knew some of the that wore in tho way. lie could not help thinking that P had not been well managed up to the presont time, Tf it had been they would Jiavo had that preliminary conference wh * ch ., ha< * su""esfod. giving an opportunity to tho representatives of Australia and New Zealand to put the position and .ho views of the-'o countries. Ho tlioujit it quijte likely that what had been predicted would como ,to pass, and that the Pacific would be tho storm-centre of tho future. On that account there were no countries in the world that v ere more interested in the conference than these countries of tlio South Emnfic. A member: AYhcro do you think the danger will come from? Mr. Afassey: "There aro some things that are better not discussed in public.’ He knew that things faid In the Hmiso were taken notice of in many quarters. He hml recently received a newspaper published in a foreign country, speakin" a language different from our own, in 1 which there was .a report and an editorial discussion of things that ho had said in the House and on the platform. That tended to make one cautious. fie was ou( for peace, in accordanco with our honour and out duty as British citizens. AVhile he. wished the conference wel., he did not close his eyes to tho difficulties ot tho position. They had not been brought about by Brita*n- there wore tlio "real; shipbuilding prograninies of America ami Japan. It was well enough known lhat tho great battles ol tho war had shown .that tlie warships then in vogue were not all that they should be. Exports noted those facts and these two countries did not wait long in beginning to build. America was building sixteen vessels, of which twelve wore bat 11 rah ips. Japan was building eight battleships and Lad any numlier of submarines and cruisers. Hon. J. A. Hanan: Britain went back to tlio oue-Pawor standard. Air. Massoy said Britain fell back to tlio one-Power standard, reducing her

personnel from half a million to 140,000. She scrapped scores of useful ships. For tho first time for a hundred years she had no warships on tho slocks. He thought that was wrong, but that was tho method by which Britain proved her desire for peace. Had tho plan been followed she would have become the third naval Power of the world. That was the prospect. AVhat would bo the position if there was a Power with a navy strong enough (o cut tho communications of the Empire? Tho risk was too great to take. As ho had said he wanted peace, but ns a citizen of New Zealand, to whom his fellow-citizens looked -for an opinion and perhaps for a lead, he felt that ho could rot let that state of affairs go on. He was only one member of the Conference, but they were nil of one opinion. It was decided to back up flic decision that had been reached by tho House of Commons that four modern battleships should be laid down, nnd work commenced. About five years ago a b-.it tieship cost about £5,000,009. With the Increased cost of labour nnd materials these now ships would cost not Jess than £7,090.9110. perhaps £7,500,000 each. Other countries had kept on building, nnd in view of what had happened constituting a danger to the Empire thwas no difference of opinion at th< Conference about tho matter of maintaining tho supremacy of the British Nary. Air. AVilford: AlBiat about land power? Air. Afassey: "Sea power is very much more important." An army could bo made in six months, as had been shown by the war, but a navy could not be made in six months or six years. Air. Wil ford: Can you tell us how the Conference hacked up tire suggestion of the Commons? Air. Afassey: "By a resolution that these ships should be Empire ships. Tho Prime Alinister told us that Great Britain covld not go or maintaining tho Navy without the help of tho Dominions, and the representatives agreed.” What was not agreed upon but wouM probably bo at the next Conference was tho proportion of each Dominion’s contribution. In each case that would be referred to tho respective Parliaments. The interests of the Dominions were thus safeguarded. PAYING FOR THE SHIPS. A suggestion was made, continued the Primo Alinister, which he supported to tho full. He had mentioned elsewhere the reparation due from Germany to tho countries of tho Empire. As he had said. New Zealand’s share was about £26,090,090. He hoped that wo should get it nnd ho Ixilieved that wo would. Tho suggestion was that tho cost of thosa ships should become a first charge upon ths German reparation money. The Kmpiro would receive something like £2,000,000,000. He felt that there was no reason why the cost of eight ships, £50.000.000. should not be a oha’rg® against this fund. It was a fair charge, and ho did not think that it would bo felt when spread over tire Empire in that way. He did not know what the proportions would be. for the matter had not been worked out. Tho share of tho United Kingdom in war expenditure had been something like 85 per cent., while New Zealand’s share had been 1.75, so it could bo seen that the Dominion’s share would bo very small in comparison. PROUD OF NEW ZEALAND. On many occasions, continued the Primo Alinister, he had admired Air. Lloyd George, and he admired him still more when he said that while it was a heavy burden they would not go back upon what had been decided. The ships would bo laid down and they would go on building them. He felt sure, ho added, that when tho time camo the other countries of the Empire would do what was necessary. Then, said Air. Afassey, ho felt proud to lie speakihg for a country that would do its sli.gro. Ho felt proud of Now Zealand when ho read in tho London papers of tho decision of the returned soldiers to devote their share of the canteen funds to the maintenance of a strong navy. He had felt p’l'oiid of New Zealand many times, but never more than then A man had said to him at that time that New Zealand was one of the best assets of the Empire, because it never hesitated when called upon to do its duty by. the Empire.

LOCAL NAVY CHANGED CONDITIONS. The alteration in tho typo of the ships of war employed hml changed tho whole position so far as tire question of a local navy was concerned. Ho had thought that what New Zealand was at present maintaining would 'oo sufficient for some time to come. Ho had thought that perhaps ns tho population increased and Now Zealand had two or three hundred thousand moro inhabitants a second light cruiser might bo added. The light cruiser had been the one typo of ship of which the Empire had been short during'many years of the war. Britain was not able sufficiently fo protect tho trade routes. Tho ships that went out and smashed tile shipping on tho trade routes were not tho groat battleships. Tho typo of ship which had done the Empire more harm than any other was the merchant shin fitted out as an auxiliary cruiser. Some of tho British ships fitted out as auxiliary cruisers had put up fights worthy of tho days of Nelson. fl ho Ciirmania. in which he had travelled across tho Atlantic, had put up such a fight, getting to grips with her enemy, and emerging from tho struggle victorious, though hit somethin" liko 379 times. A HANDICAP. Ifo wished that there were half a dozen ships of the samo type as tho Cnrnianifi Tunning between this country and London or Liverpool. That was one of this country's troubles. It had very good cargo ships, 'but was badly off for good shins for passenger carrying and naval purposes, e A member: But our little 'Wanine Gid good work. Air. Alassey enthusiastically expressed his concurrence in the member s observation. Ho thought that the right thing had been done in regard to naval matters. lie was taking tlio House into his fullest confidence, and was taking the responsibility for all that had been said or done so far as he.’was concerned. Parliament had tho final say, but no Pompion would be doing its duty unless It shouldered its share of tho responsibility of maintaining the supremacy of Britain cn tlie seas. . A member inquired how long Britain would go on building battleships at seven millions a-piece. MUST BE SAFE. Afr. Massey replied, "As long as it- is necessary.” Perhaps, ho added, there were some who did not feel so strongly on the subject as he. He did think that it would bo necessary to go on till Britain was in a perfectly safo position Afr. Massey quoted to the House the resolution unanimously carried by the Imperial Conference on tho question of naval defence. Tho resolution expressed tho view that tho moi lied by which tho various parts of the Empire would cooperate in this matter was for the fln-al defenni imt ion of I lie several Pai-lmments concerned, and that any recommendations thereon “honld be deferred till after the forfhiomin" disarmament, co-nfier-cnc.o. No di finite decision had boon arrived fit by tl ,n conference on tho apportionment of t'ho burden, this having been lr-l't over until tlio conference had taken place and enabled tho Empire fo nmlrrsl.-iiid Iho position better. Air. J. Hanan: Dees not that apply to local mivii-s? AN IDEA GONE. Tho Prime Minister replied that lie thought Hie increase in the size of warship; liad done away with tlio local naw idea, it would bo tho Imperial Naw. It would be absurd to think that New Zealand by itself could provide

some of those ships or undertake to maintain them. It would be too much to expect, lie believed that New Zealand was doing what was right, and he liop d that it would be able to continue to do so, but it was no use attempting the impossible. If it had not been for the increase in the size of tho ships tho position would have been quite different. Tho position had so changed that in his opinion an Empire navy rather than a local navy was the better of tho two alternatives. That, of course, could not affect tho keeping of light cruisers by Australia and New Zealand for the protection of their commerce. That was another story, and it would probably be arranged for. LEAGUE OF NATIONS AN EXPENSIVE ORGANISATION. Referring to the League of Nations, Air. Massey said the members of the Conference had felt that the League was on its trial, and that .time should be allowed until its usefulness could be tried or something better provided in its place. Tho Leader of tho Opposition: Should there bo any alliance between tho nations already in the League? Tho Primo Minister replied that he did not know. He asked the member to take a copy of the Peace Treaty, look at the names of the nations that were within the League, and ask himself how many ho would trust to in case of trouble. He did not, however, want to disparage tho League of Nations in the slightest. The enormous cost of tho league had been referred to. It hod been going to cost a very large sum to New Zealand, but the cost had been revised, and the revised version had not yet come to hand. He thought, though, that tho amount which this country had originally been expected to pay would have been impossible. At all events he would not have recommended its payment. The amount that the country would actually bo called upon now to contribute would bo much smaller than the amount first pro- } J scd. lie had been told that tire salaries paid to officials of the . League were enormous. He could not imagine that that sort of thing was to be allowed to continue. If it did, it would smash tho League. Ho was quite v, filing, however, speaking for himself, to advise Parliament to give it another year and see what happened. Then perhaps this country would be able to get some lecommcjidation from tho British Government. Ho understood that Mr. Balfour had been to Genova as the representative of Britain. A paper cn the subject would be circulated shortly among members. A member asked how much had already been paid to the League of Nations _ Tho Prime Minister said he would inquire into tlm matter and it the House k now. REPARATION. The Prime Alinister proceeded to deal with tho subject of German reparation and its division between the various parts of tho Empire. The Conference had agreed that the reparation receipts under the Treaty of Versailles should be apportioned as follow:—United Kingdom. BS.SS per cent.: minor colonies. 8; Canada 4.35; Australia, 4.35; New Zealand, 175; South Africa, .60; Newfoundland. 10- India, 1.20. Ho considered it worthy of note that while Canada, with nosrlv eight millions of population, was receiving 4.35 per cent, of the total amount, and Australia, with a population of f:i and a half millions, was lining given 4.30 per cent., tho share of Now Zealand was 1.75, which he thought was quite fair i> comparison with the proportions allotted to tho larger countries.

THE NEW HEBRIDES, 1 question that had come up in this country was tho position of the Now Hebrides. Re supposed that every member of tho House knew that the Condominium was utterly y n The problem was easy to talk of and a different matter to solve. As a of fact the French Government, and could not find fault with it, ( was absolutely opposed to parting: with any one of tho islands. There was a sort of dual government. Britain shared in the government, and between tho two the r"sult was not satisfactory. He l^ ou « that the only way out wasj to divide th islands, but he did not knoii whetliei either party would bo agreeable to division The people who were most concerned wore thosl Of the Presbyterian organisation which had kept the mission going for so Inng and *‘ ail I<lst vulu,, - bl9 Fives’ ill its cause. A member: Would not an exchange d Mr. Massey, replied in the . ? c " statin" that it had been <.ried. W course” Australia came first m the matter as it was given the control of the British interests in the New Heb.. . It was the business of Australia t? s P ea k first but ho was bound to say that m all’matters affecting the interests of tire not differed In opinion, there had be, no difference lietween them m regald the New Hebrides. AVIATION PROSPECTS and avtreless wonders. On tho subject of aviation Mr. Massey repeated much of what lio had alrondy said publicly. He had /thought, he sa’d that, tho world was on the eve >f a great change through tho davelopment of airships. The British . Government had spent millions in experiments The latest great airship, which vas supposed to bo the best of all had met with disaster, and ho was afra.d , ■ the result would bo a set-back to ai intron for sdtno L! predict that strength would not bo sacrificed to carrying capacitv in the next of the groat airships.. What had hap poned showed. t>o his mind, that n. would bo quite a number of years before »nere would be any great success in aviation so far ns airships were concerned. Ultimately distances , between the various parts of tho Empire rnusi be shortened and the means ol transport of passengers mado very much bettor than they were now. Tn reply to the interjection of n. member, Air. Alnssey said ho did not think that tho airship would bo of much value tn war because of tho. bullet which could bo used to set it on lire. The aeroplane was quite different, and had played an exceedingly useful part in the iato war. The wonders of recent development, in wireless telephony were mentioned by Mr Afassey, who recounted his personal experiences of. them. The matter, he said, had gone beyond the experimental stage. The Conference had decided that there" should bo an Empire chain of wireless stations, partly for the purpose of wireless telephony, and certainly for that of wireless telegraphy. BRITISH CITIZENSHIP. Among tho matters dealt with by the Conference had been an arrangement for tho purpose of enabling children horn to British parents residing in foreign countries to enioy the rights of British citizorshin. In some foreign countries the children became citizens of tho foreeign natioq by virtue of being born on the foreign soil. Tho Conference intended that those who desired Hioir offspring fo have the rights of British citizens should he able to go to the Britisli consul in the foreign country and register tho birth of tho child nt any time within twelve months from tlie date of birth. AVhen tho child grow .up, lie or she nt the ago of 21 years might renew the registration, nnd so become confirmed in British citizenship. Legislation might be required to give, effect to Gio proposal, but. it would bo very simple legislation. A NEW RESPONSIBILITY. Ho did not’ know whether members had any idea of tho importance of what ,

frere called in Itondon tho Foreign Office dispatches. In connection with these a new -duty had beon imposed on tho Prime Afinisters of British countries. It was intended to supply copies of .those dispatches to each Primo Alinister. He thought it would mean tho appointment of a man whoso responsibility if. would bo to look after them. They could not be loft w-hero any memlier of tlie public could obtain access to them. Ibe prime Alinisters would bo expected to express an opinion on any of the important Blotters dealt with in the dispatches, and io communicate the opinion to the Primo Alinister of Great Britain. _ In order to express an intelligent opinion tiiey would have to read the documents carefully, and kept in touch with everything that was going on nt the heart of tho Empire so far as foreign affairs were concernedIMPERIAL PREFERENCE. Afr. Alassey's concluding, words dealt with tlie question of Imperial preference. Ho was strongly of opinion that though New Zealand had already done a great deal in this direction, a great deal more could bo done by fho Empire as a whole. Ho had thought nt ono time that there could never lie free-trado between the different countries of the Empire. He did not think so now—(hear hoar)—and if ho could do anything to bring it a little nearer than it was at present ho would 'he very happy to do so. Air. Al'Callum: Wise man, Afr. AfasMr. Alassey: "Well, I hope so. I think it is our bounden duty to help each other in tho way of trade within the Empire.'’ Four years ago. Afr. Alassey continued, he liad the privilege of moving in the Imperial Conference the first mqtion affirming the principle of Imperial trade. Ho did not know if they could do anything 'in tho matter when they were considering the tariff, but if Parliament was willing to assist him ho would be ready to go further even thyi they had already gone. "We have,’’ he concluded, “to be Britisli citizens and prove our loyalty every time wo get tho opportunity in this wav. just as we havo done in tlie way of defence. From vrhat 1 saw at the. Conference that feeling is growing, | nnd I hope it will imfirove in tlio ft:- i tore- . , ... Air. Massey resumed his sea: amidst hearty and general applause, in which some of those in tho galleries joined.