The Dominion TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 22, 1921. A BOLD EXPERIMENT

Dominion, Volume 14, Issue 127, 22 February 1921, Page 4

The Dominion TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 22, 1921. A BOLD EXPERIMENT

The proposals of the Milner Mission in regard to the future status and government of Egypt are boldly framed, but the case is one which in its nature demands bold treatment. Many independent observers support the opinion expressed by the Mission that the spirit of Egyptian nationalism cannot he extinguished, and also its detail references to the extent to which discontent with the existing order has gathered head in recent years. Apart from the administrative troubles of the war and post-war period to which the Milner report alludes, it is on record that the Egyptian Nationalists keenly resented the spectacle of Indian delegates proceeding to the Peace Conference, and the reception of Emir Futsal at Paris and London, while their own country was denied representation. It seems probable that if more consideration had been shown for Egyptian susceptibilities in these and other matters. Egypt, to her great advantage, might have been content lo approach bv gradual stages a full measure of self-government. Tn view of the. pitch of feeling which has been aroused, however, there seems \*> be no escape from the «inc'usion reached h'v the Mih’cr Mission that the fulfilment of Britain’s promise, of self-government to Egypt cannot be postponed. The more or less debatable questions still raised relate chiefly to safeguards that aro essential in the interests of the Egyptian population, to protect resident foreigners and avert international complications, and to safeguard British Imperial communications. One very important question concerns the future of the Sudan.

The recommendations of the Milner Mission were provisionally set forth in a memorandum published in England in November last, and appear to have been little varied in the final report. After touching on the necessity that the relations between Great Britain and Egypt should be precisely defined, tho memorandum proceeds: — As between Egypt and Great Britain a Treaty will bo entered into under which Great Britain will recognise the independence of Egypt as a constitutional monarchy, with representative institutions, and Egypt will confer upon Great Britain such rights as are necessary to safeguard her special interests and to enable her to furnish the guarantees which must lie given to foreign Rowers to secure the relinquishment of their capitulatory rights. By the same Treaty, an Alliance will he concluded, between Great Britain and Egypt by which Great Britain will undertake to support Egypt in defending tho integrity of her territory, and Egypt will undertake, in case of war, oven when the integrity of Egypt is not affected, to render to Groat Britain all the assistance in her power within her own borders, including the use of her harbours, aerodromes, and means of communication for military purposes.

The broad aim of the proposals, detailed at some length in the memorandum, is to restore government in Egypt by the Egyptians, subject

only to indispensable safeguards. It is proposed to abolish the “capitulations” under which thirteen foreign States enjoy rights in Egypt. The general idea is that Britain shall offer these States, in lieu of their capitulatory rights, a guarantee that no discrimination will be exercised against their nationals, and that'the latter will be accorded in Egypt the same treatment as British subjects. Other proposals in the nature of safeguards provide that Britain shall have the right to maintain a military force on Egyptian soil for the protection of her Imperial communications—the presence of this force not to constitute in any manner a military occupation of the country—and that:

On account of the special relations between. Great Britain and Egypt created by the Alliance, the British representative will be accorded an exceptional position in Egypt, and will be entitled to precedence over all other representatives.

It was proposed also that Britain should retain certain rights of intervening to prevent the application to foreigners of laws inequitably discriminating against them. This proviso appeared in alternative drafts in the memorandum, and its final form, if it has been retained, is not yet available. Still another clause provides that Britain shall support an application by Egypt for admission to the League of Nations. The procedure recommended by the Mission is that the proposed Treaty between Egypt and Great Britain should be submitted to the approval of an Egyptian Constituent Assembly, and that this body should be charged also with the duty of framing a constitution which is to provide for Ministers being responsible to the Legislature and also for religious toleration for all persons and for the due protection of the rights of foreigners. The effective application of these proposals will depend largely on the wisdom and foresight shown in making the detail adjustments necessary tt» ths successful solution of an exceedingly, complex problem. Although nationalism in Egypt is a force to be reckoned with, the population of the country is very far from being in a state to facilitate the free and unhampered development' of representative institutions. It consists in great part of small cultivators, most of whom are illiterate. According to the latest census figures available, only eight per cent, of the Egyptian population of five years and over are able to read end write. Superimposed on this rural majority, to quote a recent writer, “are the descendants of the various ruling races who have governed Egypt during the last twelve hundred years—Arabs (of whom there are very few), Kurds, Circassians, Turks and Albanians; these form the bulk of the Pasha class, the large land-owners and the official classes.” These conditions hardly favour the establishment of stable and efficient representative institutions, and it may not be easy to prevent Egypt reverting in some measure to the state of ruin and misery from .which she was rescued when Britain assumed control, jointly with France in. 1876, and independently in 1882. Apart from the institution of effective Imperial and international safeguards, the success or failure of the bold experiment now proposed must depend upon the extent to which the Egyptian people, have been raised by the great work of Loan Chomep. and his successors out of the state of polß tical ineptitude into which they had lapsed under their own rulers less than half a century ago.