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The Dominion. TUESDAY, AUGUST 19, 1919. NAVAL RESPONSIBILITIES

The speech by. Colonel Amery which is reported to-day may not be intended as a formal statement of the .policy of the British Government "in regard to the future defence of the Empire. The time is hardly ripe, though it soon will be. /or laying down such a policy i.Vi definite terms, No doubt the ■British Government,- like others, is prepared to be guided in some rcJ spects by events in dealing with questions of defcnce. It is rather soon yet to judge just how far the Allies have succccdcd in laying iirm foundations of future peace, ! and in giving real force and standing to the League of Nations as an international agency for preventing war. _ At the same time, so far as "the British Empire is conccrncd, all profciems of defcnce will be in clearer shape when Lord Jellicoe has_ completed the mission upon wh\.oh he is now engaged and in pursuance of which he is about to Visit New Zealand. But while the position to this extent is open it is impossible to meet otherwise than with hearty agreement Colonel AmKry's general contention that it' wiil be impossible henccforth to scly upon the present system of Imperial defcnce, with its immense preponderance at one point, and that there is wanted instead a new system consisting of a defensive ctyiin of which each link would 100 /quipped primarily to sustain _ its own' defence. In these observations Colonel Amery was, of course, referring to the question of the naval defence of the Empire and to the evident necessity of lightening the tremendous responsibilities of the British Navy and at the same time arriving at a more equitable distribution of tho burdens of Imperial defence. AVhatever the immediate attitude of the British Government'may be it is obvious that such changes as he broadly outlined .ire dictated in any case by the inevitable result of events. Before the war matters were well in train for ending the conditions in which Britain bore almost unaided the burdens of naval defcnce throughout the • Empire. and certainly there can be no looking back to-day. Whether tho task of safeguarding the Empire by adequate naval preparation is light or heavy in years to come each Dominion undoubtedly must do its full part. _ The idea of welding the' Empire into a closeknit political federation is falling more and more into the background. but it becomes on that account so much the more imperative that each Dominion should provide for its own defcnce. The status with which the Dominions have emerged from the war is best summed up as that of equal nationhood within the Empire, and such a statu.? implies first and foremost responsibility and self-reliance. On any other terms it would be an empty pretence.

For .New Zealand ancl other British Dominions fronting the Pacific the path of duty and interest is laid down too clearly to admit of doubt. To the fact that we are failed upon to do our fair share in making the Empire sccurc on its best line of defence, it is to be added that very obviously no Pacific nation, big or little, can afford to take its future security for granted. Our lot is cast with those nations in the world which desire to limit armaments to the minimum consistent with national safety, and, by promoting justice in international relationships, to make war a remote contingency. It may be hoped also that in the Pacific, as in other parts of the. world, the British Empire will not lack powerful co-operation in advancing these ideals. But' we are bound to recognise that in the circumstances of the varied nations which look out upon the Pacific there are factors that make for antagonism, and that it will be long before these conditions are appreciably altered. Economic contrasts between the countries of white population and others, more especially the' Asiatic countries, in themselves tend always to create serious grounds of antagonism. At the same time there is and will bo a definite conflict of aspirations and ideals—as for instance in the present .controversy over Japanese policy towards China. In'; whatever way such controversies arc settled elements of rankling discontent will remain, in one quarter or.another, and such conditions musr be expected to endure for a very long time to come.

In the conditions that exist it would bo a suicidal policy for any British Dominion to neglect the reasonable preparations for its own defence which are the best guarantee of continued pence. At' the same.time it is clear that under the Imperial reorganisation which is in prospect, sis in the past, Ihe best and soundest safeguard for the Empire will be ollicieni. naval defence. Full particinalion in a scheme of Pacifle naval defence m;iv seem an unduly onerous responsibility for a Dominion of comparatively small population' like New Zealand to I'.ssume, but the responsibility is no more to be shirked than .that of maintaining law and order in town and country. Nor need it lie feared that the responsibility in its full shape will exceed our powers and capacity. Tinder the rinrht stimulus—that of an enterprising policy of development—the population of f.ko Unminitm wilL.'ncteasfl

rapidly, and burdens that would now be heavy will become relatively light. _At the same time it is to bo considered that there is no question of the British Empire entering into a competitive race in armaments in the Pacific. The Empire and its Dominions arc bound to make due provision for defence, but this ccrtainly need not any jealousy of other nations which take the same reasonable course. It is safe to say that the news that a powerful American licet is to be based henceforth on San Francisco was received nowhere with less anxiety than in the British Pacific Dominions. There is every reason to believe that the British Empire and the United States will be of one mind in regard to_ maintaining the pcaco of the Pacific. This, however, does yet mean that other nations should I>o_ regarded as beyond the reach of friendly understanding. On the 'contrary it ought to be the definite aim of Imperial policy to induce all nations which maintain Pacific navies _ to agree upon a mutual limitation of armaments. If the hopes based on the Treaty ot Versailles and tiie League of Nations Covenant are not illusory, much is to be hoped for in this direction, but the. ideal of disarmament will not be served or approached by ignoring the counsels of prudence and shirking self-;vidcnt responsibilities. Just what New Zealand is called upon to do in order adequately to discharge its responsibilities. is a question that "must stand over until the Government has had the benefit of Lord Jellicoe's advice. Undoubtedly, however, these responsibilities must be faced from the broadest' standpoint of national and Imperial welfare.

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/DOM19190819.2.11

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 277, 19 August 1919, Page 4

Word count
Tapeke kupu
1,144

The Dominion. TUESDAY, AUGUST 19, 1919. NAVAL RESPONSIBILITIES Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 277, 19 August 1919, Page 4

The Dominion. TUESDAY, AUGUST 19, 1919. NAVAL RESPONSIBILITIES Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 277, 19 August 1919, Page 4

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