THE DANGER OF CAPITAL AND LABOUR
Sir,—l read with pleasure .Another letter from Mr. F. J. Ryder iii your iu&ue of Juno 12, and also a letter by' lCenric B. Murray,"vin the issue of May 31, on which date you also kindly published my letter. In tho main 1 think that the principles advocated by Mr. Ryder are based on a des're tu be just to all sections of the community, and I therefore differ but slightly with his contentions, except . in what I consider to be the unpractical points. I never did favour party government, realising that it stands for sectional privileges; on the other hand, I would be chary about the payment of legislators to anything like ;i heavy tune. 1 well remember paymmt of members being introduced at Home. I was a boy then, but like most North Countrymen I took a very keen interest iii politics, and particularly political economy. Payment of members in practice did not work so well as in theory, although we had always contended that, if payment of members were allowed, it opened the doors of Parliament to workers, giving government to the people by the people. Honest' John Burns, in \he early part of his career, said that no man honestly earnod moro than per year, and honest John Burns finally became u member of the Cabinet with JC2OOO per year, and when asked at ft meeting of his constituents by a n.ember of the Socialist Party as to his intentions with regard to tho extra .£IBOO, he told his questioner to ask Mrs, Burns her intentions. AVith increased salary as the stake, .politicians wouid become greater ch.ii'laftiiis than »l present, f ml I certainly would not continue to ounce a class of political adventurers into the arena. Block votes through the organisations and unions that arc existing face he candidate .at every turn, so that the honest-minded candidate, prepared to consider only practical and just measures, might as well go i.nto the wilderness to hold his political meetings. Monev makes politics a business profession,"' and that is tho last thing it should become. You may ask what,' then is an alternative suggestion: It is (his: Wo must lay anew the basis of sound government, which can only bo done bv tho right class, who belong to all classes, and they are (hose .possessed of 'i high sense ot justice to their fcllowmen, seeking to restrain any particular section from exercising privileges. Irom such a base we can build up a new social structure. I would seek to set up an organisation throughout the Dominion,
:he members of whom pledged themselves :o support in each electorate only 6uch :andidates as were prepared to put on "he Statute Book a measure embodying vhafc I stated in my first letter, i.e., 'that no organisation of any section of v community that existed solely or in part for selfish economic gains, should be iwrmissible, bo it either of Capital or of Laboui, nor any political party noveinent be iillgwed tlmt by united action could inflict economic injuries on the rest of a community" 1 would jnsert clauses providing that any organisation of a co-operative principle for distribution, or the purchase of commodities, or beneficial societies of any nature that were open to all people of satisfactory diameter would bo allowed to operate. If bucli a wide and powerful measure became an accomplished fact, I see no reason why we should not commence upon a new era; and I like Mr. Ryder's sentiments when ho seeks to unite the best in all classes. What more c!m any man ask than to be allowed a fair chance, without being handicapped and indirectly penalised by the action of a body of njen who, despite the rights of the rest of /their fellowcreatures, create selfish corners in rnattrial or in organised Labour. Mr. Mm-, ray, in his letter, deals with the matter in an abstract way, and candidly I do not see any constructive policy outlined, lie commends a middle-class organisation as a controlling force, but I do not see why any single class is more fitted t.J control than another. What we need are the best brains {providing they aro tempered with justice and .reason) from "li classes, for tlio descendants of the middle class of to-day may be the capitalist class of to-morrow or reduced to a state of poverty, for that matter. I also do not accept or consider it a fact that'the people of the United Kingdom were degenerating any mQro than any other civilised people; and I feel quite certain that the Germans must have lost the illusion that Mr. Murray appears possessed of. My proof positive is this: that you cannot build and man a Navy and carry out the work as nobly as we know the British Navy has been done, by a nation of degenerates; nor could you have Jield that superbly-equipped German Army through the terrible win. ter of 1914-15 with degenerate material. But. .jh any case, this is all side-stepping the subject in hand. Ido like his appreciation of tho dangers ' that will eventually beset us in our economic' relations with the East, and' here I can speak with some practical knowledge. I spent some time in India just prior to lh» commencement of the war, and I know just a little of its customs, standard of living, etc.. My business took me uo-countrv a good deal: in fact, I was often solely amongst the natives for months on end, and I had every opportunity to study their thoughts and aspirations, and, king billeted on native rulers, I spent hours conversing with their secretaries and dewans. I have often debated the undesirabilitv of allowing the Easterners to migrate and settle amongst the white races, and it has invariably brought forth tho contention that we go and exploit their countries, and they therefore have a perfect right to do the same.' I might say that any so-called exploitation of the East is not without its value to the natives, and its effect will be felt, if not by us, by succeeding gen> orations, whom we 6hould seek to guard. The Easterner; are rapidly imbibing knowledge and displacing wherever possible trade that was once entirely in the hands of Europeans. 'They work more loyally for a native employer than the Seninglee, while the student class, are always jumping the jobs which previously have been filled by tie whites; in many cases in the mercantile houses »' Calcutta they are prepared to work the first six months without pay. Eco-' nomically they aro gaining advantages, which we can scarcely prevent, and with these accumulations of knowledge will follow accumulation of wealth and trade, and -naturally power. At this moment I have no further need of comment. Trusting you can give me space,—l am, '■ '' INDIVIDUAL Onga Onga, June 16.
Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi
https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/DOM19190618.2.73.4
Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka
Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 226, 18 June 1919, Page 8
Word count
Tapeke kupu
1,146THE DANGER OF CAPITAL AND LABOUR Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 226, 18 June 1919, Page 8
Using this item
Te whakamahi i tēnei tūemi
Stuff Ltd is the copyright owner for the Dominion. You can reproduce in-copyright material from this newspaper for non-commercial use under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International licence (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0). This newspaper is not available for commercial use without the consent of Stuff Ltd. For advice on reproduction of out-of-copyright material from this newspaper, please refer to the Copyright guide.