THE IRISH PROBLEM

Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 217, 7 June 1919, Page 8

THE IRISH PROBLEM

« A BALANCED REVIEW OF THE ISSUES LOST OPPORTUNITIES (By Sir Horace L'luukelt. in tho ".Manchester Guardian. [Sir Horace I'lunketl, founder of t.ln;' Jri.ili Agricultural' Organisation Society and Vice-president of the Dopariinenl of Agriculture an'd Technical Instruction for Ireland. IMKMOOT, presided over tho deliberations of the Irish Convention, wliicli tasted lrom July, 1017, to April, ItHS.]

Passing through England on my way to the United .States, I liiut a greater anxiety than ever to understand tho Irish situation—what it means, what tho jicw party, undoubtedly representing a great majority of (he Irish people, really want, and what can bo done to satisty I ho needs which this new development in tho political life of my country .so clearly, so democratically, proclaims.

The sympathetic observer from 'without wins to be nol; so much alarmed by what is happening in Ireland as mystified. He says, with truth, I think, that information ol\any real kind is either withheld or suppressed, from •my ov, n reading of tho British newspapers' I can understand this complaint. I have not scon, for example—and friends confirm this—a single competent interpretation of tho portent--tho tremendous portent, as I see it—of tho recent Irish general election, wliiist of any adequate treatment of tlie portent in relation to its history, its meaning, its causes uud possible effects, both in Ireland and Engluml, in the Dominions nnd in the United States, there seems to be no trace. To my way of thinking, the policy of withholding or ignoring—if it is a' policy, as some suggest—is bad. I should go farther and call it calamitous.

Tho temper of the average Englishman in regard to Ireland is, as far as my observation goes^wonderfully good. Many have told me that they were ready within reason to do anything for or give anything. to the Irish people, but fliey want to know what it is they have to give, and how, and to whom, if I suggest that such questions should be put by the British people to the British Government I am not taken seriously. I am told I 'must give my answer—so here, it io.

The Sinn Fein Triumph. Roughly, (he situation, of Ireland is this: The recent election shows what is politically known as Ulster unchanged— if anything more determined than before on its claim for continued iiiiion with Great T|ritain—that is, for seperation from the rest: of their country in the event of Home. Rule, which they "won't have." The /'est of Ireland, with the exception of a Nationalist here and there and of a few less frequent Unionist strongholds, has gone Sinn Fein. The hosts of the constitutional Natioualisls Jwve fallen ignominious]/. In many cases they have gone under without a struggle. In Ireland at the present day we have two parties that count— the Ulster Unionists (themselves Sinn Fein, with a difference) ambthe Sinn Feiners, in. future to be known officially, and I suppose diplomatically,' as the' Irish Republican Party.

Concerning the Ulster pfial,mx nothing, new can or need be said.. It is there ready for any eventually under its old Ulid tried leader from the south. Its policy has not. changed. The difficulty of svaing anything definite about the Republican Party is equally great,- though for, a widely different reason. The policy' uf Ulster is so old thai" it bears no repetition. That of Sinn Fein is so new that it has not become intelligible to others, if it has to members of the party themselves. Those who assume that: the old order must continue find it hard to lake seriously a party whose representatives assert that the fact of their election constitutes Ireland a republic, and base upon that claim a right to divert the proceeds of Imperial taxation into their own exchequer. They feet that, such people must either succumb'to derision _or be subjected to coercion nlong with all Bolsheviki and criminal lunatics. Let life sa.v at once that in mv view there is here .both n profound psychological misunderstanding and a grave error of strategy, However incredible or distressing it may be to the British people, the fact remains, that, the leadera of Sinn Fein do take themselves seriously, and that the vast; majority of the .people*of Ireland agree with them, as they have amply demonstrated by their decisive and orderly behaviour at the election. >

There was absolutely no ambiguity about; tho issue oii which tho candidates went to tho polls They stqted quite clearly that: the'electors who voted for them would pledge themselves to a severance of relations with England, first by abstention from Parliament, and i hereafter by the establishment of an independent republic. Those who ask, therefore, fqr n constructive policy from Sinn Fein are straining their eyes at a distant objective because they cannot or will not see the great: fact in the foreground. Having succeeded i.u discrediting British government in Ireland, Sinn Fein intends to make it impossible. It is unnecessary (as well a.<\ obviously imprudent) for its leaders to state the methods by which they hope to achieve lliis end.

In such a situation there is really nothing ridiculous or contemptible.' By wrong handling it may ho made, acutely dangerous, while by judicious methods the enthusiasm and Ilia solfdaritv which exist now, almost: for the first time, may be converted into a real constructive force. The Two Alternatives. The question then arises: What, are the right and wrong ways of dealing wilh the matter? There are only two possible courses. One (nhich unfortunately is known to be favoured by a powerful section of the coalition) is lo goverulicland by the firmest of hands, such hands, bo they miiny or few, to have within grasp «IJ tho resources, both civil and military, of up-10-dalo civilisation. The Irish jfopublic, tliey say, bust not be recognised but suppressed. Should the Irish people acknowledge a republican form of government, obeying its mandates and paying taxes thereto, so much (Im nor.se lor the Irish people. They must then be taught obedience, and if they like io pay double taxes—well, that's their affair. Demonstrations will lie put down. Appeals to (he ear of the world will not be transmitted. No further attempt at Homo Rule legislation,, not even by way of amendment, of the existin;.' Act, will be uiiide. Nor til) this policy bears its familiar fruit; will any statesmanlike effort be forthcoming ou tho part of tho British Government to repair whilo the Peace Conference siis tho liiundcrs which prevented Ireland's full participation in the war. Tho alternative to this policy, which practically all Irishmen know must fail, and which the world, satiated "with four years' bloodshed, will reject, is (o try and understand Sinn Fein and then lo act in the light of this understanding. Ireland is suffering from extremes on either side, both of which really arise from the belief that Knglish government' has proved itself impossible. Even now at the eleventh hour Ireland can be saved from these extremes by an awakening of the political and intellectual conscience, of the Irish people. 'There should be -made at once a firm offer of a* reasonable measure of selfgo,vernmenl.. Were such a measure, whatever its detail, put. forward seriously with clear intent, to carry it through in the face of all opposition, 1 believo that I lie common seme. of Ireland, at present in something of a (renior at sight: of tho future and its consequences, would force both sides to its acceptance, tlicreby"givilig to Ireland what Hifi so vitally needs—a corporaln and more or less national liodj- which, however defective in its eoiisl.itnt.iou, would at: least enable Ireland lo govern herself and give vojee to her aspirations and genius before. the. world. That, would not be a final settlement, but if the difficulties of a. half-settlement—and il: could be much more than that—are courageously faced, out of it will come in due season. from tho only possiblo source, a united Ireland, the proper atmosphoro for a lasting reconciliation.

The Last Opportunity. In tho choice that must bo made far moTo than the domestic politics of tho United Kingdom will be involved. Ire]k;ul cannot pet lo the Peace Conference; the Irish questions cannot bo kept out of it. What effect that, unsolved problem may have had in hastening tho outbreak and in protracting tho agony of tho great war I do not know. With tho hour of the • Empire's greatest peril in tho

spring of last your I licit* seemed to 1110 to conic- ilio greatest opportunity in aH history for an Irish settlement. _ Tlioro wii.s a tremendous force of opinion in Irolaud :it that time which would linvu gladly taken tlie beginnings of n, Ki'ttloiiu'iit, if only to enable the Irish people to piny their mi turn I part in ihi» war, partly Ijeeaiifu their (loins so ivnnld linvo made a full settlement rjitivi'lv easy. For the half-loaV of a nulled Ireland without its full national requireuioiits Unfflatid substituted' (ho stone of conscription. Tho opportunity was lost ami the problem again made more dilticnlt,. Will what may well lw Hie last opportunity of " settlement from within ho now seized ?

Through the nino weary months of a struggle for a, settlement in the Convention I always felt that the ponce valuo of nil Trish appeasement was infinitely greater than imy effect it could possibly have upon tho course of the war. It heartens mo to find in England many who tnko this view. Notwithstanding the not unnatural demand.of tho majority of tho Irish people that the settlement should como from the free nation*of tho world assembled at tho Peaeo Conference, they have tho intelligence to know that a prosperous mid contested united Ireland can be. far bettor realised by agreement between those immediately concerned. Let the British people speak to the British Government and to tho Trlsh people and insist tliat, tho Irish question shall be approachcdagain in t hat spirit of conciliation and compromise out of which alone can there como peace in the linited Kingdom, the British Empire, and (lie world.