LIGHT ON EGYPTIAN CRISIS
THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT
EVOLUTION OF THE TROUBLE
The Englishman has always refused to worry about Egypt (says a contributor to tho "Horning Past"). He knows vaguely that he has responsibilities in that quarter and accepts them; but he knows, too, that the Ugyption question bristles with intricacies which life is too short to master. Occasionally something has happened in tho Valley of the Nile to stir him deeply-as in ISS2, 1885, 1898 —and then he has been roused. But he has soon given up trying to diseutanglb the skin of complicated international, racial, political, and religious interests. Instead he hns found someone in whom he has confidence, and told him to carry on. We ars on the wholo a commonsense people, and tho plain man knows that often it is the second-best plan that works most successfully. It has worked well enough here. Tu threo attempts we twice found the right man; possibly the third, Sir Eldon Gorst, was not so palpable .1 choice. But Sir Eldon Gorst nad to work under the eyes of the 1906 Parliament, and was not left alone. Since Lord Kitchener tho same pood fortune has befallen Egypt. General Sir John Maxwell, who was Com-mander-in-Chicf 'from September, 19H, to March, 1916, was wonderfully successful, and in a short time—though, of course, ho had known the country for yearsestablished an ascendancy over all classes of Egyptians that was hardly, if at all, exceeded by l Lord Kitchener's own. Hie robust common eease, geniality, and persuasive good humour fitted him ideally for the position of autocrat of Egypt. His successors, General Murray and General Allenby, were fully occupied 'by military affairs, and although, of couree, all proclamations were issued- over their names they were little nioro than figureheads as far as Hie internal administration was concerned. Nor was there the same necessity in their case, for sinceJanuary, 1911!,' General Sir Kegiimld Wingate has been .High Commissioner. His predecessor, Sir Henry MacMahon, knew nothing of Egypt; Sir B, Wingato l.as spent liis whole career here and in tho Sudan. But he has had the disadvantage that tho authority of the Commander-in-Chief has tended to obscure in the eyes of the Egyptian public that of the High Commissioner, an important consideration in a country where one-man rule is th's.only political institution that ie understood. Tho Englishman at home who wants to acquaint himself with tho present turn of affairs in Egypt should bear that fact in mind. A Ministerial Crisis. To put it briefly, there is a Ministerial crisis. This, it may be thought, is'hardly of sufficient coneecjuenca to rank as a question of Imperial moment. Nor do I .for a' moment suggest that it is. But there are certain aspects of this Ministerial crisis which are novel and well worthy of study. For tho crisis has lasted now for a month, and for all one knows may 'be settled to-morrow or go on for another mouth. Tho Prime Ministor, .Sir Hussein Eushdi Pasha, G.C.M.h-. an old and tried public sen-ant, who l'as served three Sovereigns of Egypt in the highest capacity to which an Egyptian can attain, sent in his resignation to the Sultan on December r>. This, after a decent interval, was discreetly announced in tho local papers. It even reached the London Press. So far there was nothing to mark it from any other Ministerial crisis. Tim difference only became apparent when no new Premier was appointed to take his placo. Nor was it announced that Sir Ilussein Eushdi Pasha's resignation had been accepted. In pre-war days the sbghest rumour of a Ministerial crisis near all the dozen and a half daily papers in Cairo and Alexandria into paroxysms of delight. But war is war, and what is the censorship for if not to prevent tho idle pen of journalism from filling columns of conjecture and gossip about matters of State So the Press has remained silent, save for, chronicling the fact that the Prime Minister no longer goes to his Ministry, or tlmt long colloquies have taken place between important people—the Sultiin, the Hi?h Commissioner, the Ministers, and ox-Prime Ministers. But despite inspired paragraphs in the Press that tho crisis is about to be settled, it still TOinnins a fact that the Premier and his ablest colleague, Sir Adly Yunhen Pasha, K.C.M.G., have tendered their resignations, that neither goes to his office, and that accordingly no Council of Ministers has met for five weeks, with the conso'quence that no departmental business requiring to be sanctioned by a decree of that body can bo settled. Why the Prime Minister Resigned. Why did Rushdi Pasha resign?; And why has no euccessov been appointed? The answer to the second auestion, which I give first because it is the easier, is that no one has been found willing to accept the position. Several, I understand, have been approached, but u<?i-. tlier amongst the Ministers who still remain nor anionget ,the Judges or ex--Ministers has anyone consented to fill the office. For Eushdi Pasha's resignation many reasons are given., I am inclined to ascribe as the real cause an attack of nerves, which has momentarily affected him and the class of which ie is one of the most prominent members. . Eushdi Pasha is a very sensible man. He knows that the English are indispensable to Egypt, and that the Protectorate is the best guarantee of future progress. But there hns been a wave of nationalism due to not incomprehensible causes, and Saad Pasha Ztighoul, the leader of the "Egypt for the Egyptians and no one else" Party, has put forward a "comprehensive programme", which commands the enthusiastic support of the youth of Egypt. This forced the Prime Minister's hand. If he was not to , forfeit the esteem of his compatriots, he had to do something to show that he too had I a programme. As Saad Pasha Zaghoul had suggested leading a deputation to England, it occurred to Eushdi Pasha that he would do the same thing. And it was actually announced in the papers that he, Sir 'Adly Yaghen Pasha, and Sir William Brunyate, the Acting-Finan-cial Adviser, were proceeding on n'n official mission to'.London. Then something went wrong. Eushdi Pasha felt that he could, not wait, and sent to the Sultan a letter of resignation,so worded as to make it difficult for any other Egyptian to take his place without .incurring unpopularity. And the recollection of the fate of the last unpopular Prime Minister Bntros Pasha (xhali. ten years, am), has so far effectually prevented possible aspirants to the Premiership from coinin? forward. , There has been moTe behind the scenes. Sir Hussein Eushdi ha 9 criticised Sir William Brnnyate's new constitutional scheme for a Lower and an Upper House, the Upper Chamber to contain both a European official and non-official clement andTvoto on legislation. Eeyphans want an Assembly. which shall have legislative powers, and they do not want any European element, « ™J cial, to-be given recognition. Thevprefer to keep the capitulations, which, ot ourse, Lnot be. We are other rum.ours. But why contmuo? BtaUw at Home are due to nerves, and the Prime Ministers' striko hero can be laid to Kmecatse. Before Ino V ar everyone was wont to recuperate in Europe from the trials of the Egyptian clmiat Tho British officials used to play golf nerves have become frayed.
Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi
https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/DOM19190428.2.19
Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka
Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 182, 28 April 1919, Page 6
Word count
Tapeke kupu
1,225LIGHT ON EGYPTIAN CRISIS Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 182, 28 April 1919, Page 6
Using this item
Te whakamahi i tēnei tūemi
Stuff Ltd is the copyright owner for the Dominion. You can reproduce in-copyright material from this newspaper for non-commercial use under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International licence (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0). This newspaper is not available for commercial use without the consent of Stuff Ltd. For advice on reproduction of out-of-copyright material from this newspaper, please refer to the Copyright guide.