ORIGIN OF THE WAR

Dominion, Volume 12, Issue 42, 13 November 1918, Page 3

ORIGIN OF THE WAR

BRITAIN BLAMELESS /

LICHNOWSKY'S MEMORANDUM

In tho course of an article in "Current History" Viscount Bryce states that when tho war began in August, 1914, the German Government entered on two campaigns, which it prosecuted with equal energy nnd an equal disregard of honour and humanity.

One of these was the campaign by arms. It suddenly invaded Belgium, a peaceful neutral country, whose neutrality it was pledged to respect, and which it has treated with tho/iitmost cruelty, murdering, or reducing to the slavery of forced labour, its civilian and noncombatant inhabitants. It has similarly enslaved tho inhabitants of Poland, and has encouraged its 'Turkish allies to massacre their innocent Armenian subjects. Tho other campaign wns one of falsehood, conducted by speeches and through the I'ross, and intended to mislead public opinion. It was an effort to deceive both its own people nnd neutral nations by mendacious misrepresentations of German aims, purposes, and conduct, and by equally false descriptions of tho aims, purand conduct of German's antagonists, and especially of the British Government and the British peoIt tried to represent the war as haying been forced upon Germany by Britain, Germany, it said, was merely defending herself against an unprovoked attack. She desired to live at peace Vith her neighbours, developing her own resources, cherishing no aggressive designs. Her enormous army and navy had been created only to protect her against the jealous and malicious enemies by whom she was surrounded, and , especially against Great Britain. Britain, it seems, was envious of Germany. Being herself "a decadent nation"—this was the prevailing German view—she feared the commercial competition of Germany, and tried to keep the latter out of all foreign markets. British policy—so they said—under the direction of King Edward VII, had formed alliances with France and Russia in order to hem in Germany, and after'trying to block Germany's outlets in Africa and Asia, contrived this war to destroy by arms the rival whom she could not face up to in trade and manufacturing industry. A large part of the German Press, inspired and controlled by the German Government, had for some Hime past been holding up England as the persistent foe of Germany. It now redoubled its falsehoods, representing Sir Edward Grey as having plotted to bring about a war, and urged Russia to refuse a peaceful solution; and it added equally groundless charges that England had secretly planned with Belgium to attack Germany through Belgian territory.

Now, what was the truth? The British people bore no hatred whatever towards the German people. King Edward VII meant no harm to Germany when he showed his liking for the French. Neither did lis Ministers when they took steps to remove tho differences that had been causing trouble between ourselves and France, and again when they came to a friendly understanding with Russia. These arrangements were mado in tho interests of European peace and good will, not in order to damngo Germany. British merchants and manufacturers never dreamed of fighting Germany to get rid of her commercial competition. Had such an idea occurred to them they would have reflected that Germany was England's best foreign customer, not to add that two years of even a successful war would have inflicted far more loss upon them than the extension of German trade competition could liavo repaired in twenty years. British men of science and learning admired the immense contributions Germany had been making to the prpgress of knowledge, and they had many : personal in Germany. British statesmen "'did not desire to add to British possessions abroad, feeling that we had already all wo needed, and that the greatest interest of the British Empire was a universal peace. No section of our people, neither traders, nor thinkere and writers, nor statesmen, had any idea of the dangers to peacoywhich lay (as wo now know) in the mind and the purpose of those who ruled Germany. Our absence of suspicion is the best proof of how little wo expected aggression. It is an absoluto refutation of the calumny that 13ritain, with her tiny army, was planning an attack on the greatest military Power in the world.

All this every Englishman knows. It has now received not only a confirmation but also a. valuable further proof in the Lichnowsky memorandum, a proof unsolicited and uncontemplated, and, moreover, unimpeachable, because it comes from one who bore a leading part in what it records, and who never meant to let it becomo known.

First—The memorandum bears witness to the pacific spirit of the British people. Second—The'memorandum shows that the attitude of the British Government, and in particular of Sir Jldward Grey, then Foreign Minister, was entirely pacific. The adm.ira bio 'characterisation of Sir Edward it contains is too long to quote, but it testifies to ,'iis perfect straightforwardness and constant wish to maintain good relations with Germany, and after how "the simplicity and honesty of his ways secured him the respect even of his opponents," it adds: i'This is a true picture of the man who is decried [in Germany] as 'Liar Grey' and instigator of the world war." 1

The memorandum goes on to show how sincerely Sir Edward had worked for peace, first in 191!!, during the Balkan troubles, when ho went hand-in-hand with Germany, "hardly oyer supporting the French or Russian claims. He conducted tho negotiations with circumspcction, calin, and tact." Frequently, when appcnled to by Lichnowsky to use his influence with tho Russian Government to arrange difficulties between it and Germany, "Sir Edward gladly did this, 'and his intervention contributed in no small degree to smooth the matter over." Third—A still weightier evidence of the good will of the British Government is supplied by tho account given of the concessions made to German wishes in Asia and Africa.

"His plan was, in !iis own words, without interfering with England's existing friendship, which Had no aggressive aims and docs not entail any binding obligations, to arrive at a fiiendly rapprochement and understanding with Germany to bring tho two groups [of Powers] nearer." , lfc would tako too long to follow out the constant efforts of tho British Government during tho fateful days before the outbreak of tho war to avoid a conflict by means of Sir 10. Grey's repeated plans of mediation and adjustment. The memorandum shows how earnestly lie laboured for peaco at Berlin, at Pctrograd, at Vienna, and how all his attempts'were.baffled by the settled purpose of the* German Government to forco'on war.

Britain may; like other nations, liavo in tho past sometimes indulged her ambition. sometimes abused her strength, sometimes embarked in wars that might well have been avoided. But'on this occasion at least she is bl.ameless. Never in her long history has slip had so perfectly clear a conscience as in tho caso of tliif. war. Her people neither contemplated it nor desired it. They were driven into it by the action of

the German Government, which persisted in pushing it oil even when Austria seemed willing to draw back. All had evidently been sealed at that famous Potsdam conference, when (as tho German Ambassador at Constantinople, boforo Italy had declared war against Austria, told his Italian 'ollcague) tho Emperor had inquired of his military and naval chiefs whether they were ready for the conflict for which, during some months preceding, preparations had been in progress. Neither when the war began did Britain wish to do more than prevent Germany from destroying Belgium and mortally wounding France. Sir E. Grey spoke truly for the nation when, as tho memorandum records, he said: "We don't want to crush Germany."