IRELAND AND FEDERATION
The proposals on the subject, of Federal devolution which have been laid by a representative Parliamentary deputation before the British Primo Minister, and of which he has expressed general approval, commend themselves on several grounds. Their adoption would probably assist to clear away some of the difficulties which oppose an Irish settlement; it would at the same time pave the way for better and more effective methods in the government of. the United Kingdom as a whole, and might in a valuable degree assist practical development in the direction of Imperial Federation. Except in a limited sense a scheme of Federal devolution probably has little immediate bearing upon the solution of the' Irish problem. Tho British Government certainly cannot unload its responsibility to Ireland leisurely consideration of a comprehensive scheme of devolution. Subject only to the reservation that the lawless and treasonable elements in Ireland must be effectively suppressed, the Irish demand for Home Rule is entitled to prompt consideration and satisfaction. The refusal _ of the Irish parties to take part in the deputation to Mit. Lloyd George implies that th'ey suspect the British Government of intending to use tho devolution proposal as an excuse for postponing the redress of Irish grievances, but_any such attempt would undoubtedly bo resented nob only in Ireland but throughout a great part of tho Empire. On tho other hand there is much force in the British Prime Minister's contention that Ireland may fairly be asked to accept the same degree of control over her local affairs as England, Scotland, and Wales, and there does not seem to be any reason' why an Irish Homo Rule Bill should not be drafted oil this basis and passed into law as a preliminary to the institution of a comprehensive scheme of devolution.
The Irish question apart, Federal devolution should make in a material degree for the more eft'ectivo treatment both of Imperial affairs and of the domestic affairs of the several 1 kingdoms. The Imperial Parliament under existing conditions is hopelessly overworked, and is able to give only nominal attention to many of the questions which 'conic before it for consideration, Much of its time is now of necessity devoted to affairs of interest only to one or other of the individual kingdoms. Believed of responsibility for these matters, which could be dealt with much better bv local Parliaments, tho Imperial Parliament would bo very much better placed to deal with the Empire problems, many of them urgent, which tho war is raising in increasing numbers. Viscount Bkyce was recently quoted as stoutly opposing tho reorganisation of the United Kingdom on a federal basis, and his opposition cannot be regarded with indifference, but it is not easy to fathom his grounds of objection. Apparently he considers that devolution would make for separation and disunion. But if it were carried out on right lines aud so facilitated concentration on tho more vital affairs in which the component kingdoms arc jointly concerned, it should rather havo the opposite effect. Devolution is admittedly opposed by various difficulties and _ would take time to work out in its. detailsmore time than f.an bo allowed to.
pass wi thou I, a determined effort to ■settle the Jrisli question—but there •lues not seem to be any reason why U:e Irish settlement should not ho on such lines as to permit of its ultimate incorporation in the organisation of the four kingdoms 011 a federal basis. Amongst the attractive features of the devolution proposal which offset the difficulties impeding its adoption it is not the least that if the British Parliament were freed from the duty of dealing with a multiplicity of local affairs it would be in a much better position to promote an increasingly effective partnership with' the Dominions than it is at present.
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Dominion, Volume 11, Issue 243, 2 July 1918, Page 4
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634IRELAND AND FEDERATION Dominion, Volume 11, Issue 243, 2 July 1918, Page 4
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