The Dominion. SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 1918. OUR CHINESE ALLY

Dominion, Volume 11, Issue 116, 2 February 1918, Page 8

The Dominion. SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 1918. OUR CHINESE ALLY

According to a Washington cablc.grani which we publish to-driy, official advicis from Peking state that China is transporting her first fighting units to France.' It would be unwise to base undue cxpecta--1 ions upon this announcement, but it probably gives a much better idea of the- course of events in what used to be called the Celestial Empire than reports of minor disturbances in the provinces 'and isolated attacks, upoii Allied naval craft. It was at one time widely held and freely stated that China's declaration, of war oil . Germany and'.Austria was an event of minor importance, but such ..opinions have already been very thoroughly discredited. Of late the people of Jvcw Zealand have been hearing something about what China s intervention! means lo the Allies and to the Central Empires _ from Dr. Morrison, an' authority of _ tho highest standing, on all that .rotates to China , and to. many' aspect of Far Eastern affairs... AU available information supports his general contention that China's action has an important bearing on tho war and is even more important as it bears on issues that will remain, in sight when the war has come to an end. In one way and another tho "Republic has already done a great deal to justify its status as a belligerent. As Dr. Morrison has pointed out, in confiscating Germany's share of tho Boxer indemnity China in effcct fined' that country twelve and a half millioris sterling. By tho determination of all Germany's extra-territorial and treaty rights in China and the expulsion of all German officials tho results of years of plotting ~ and scheming have been wiped out. When the war is over Germany's standing in relation to China will be no longer one of favour and privilege, but that of an outcast. China has confiscated' and turned to account enemy ships which were lying in her ports, and further ships are being built in her yards. All her surplus produce is at the disposal

l'of tho Allies, she has already dispatched something like 80,000 men to work behind the Allied lines in the Western theatre, tyid now it is ! reported that she is transporting I her first fighting units to Europe. What China will accomplish under this head remains to be seen, but it seems safe to conclude that in this matter as in others she will do all | that is possible in the circuraI stances in which she is placcd. The' principal difficulty to be overcomo is one of transport. 'China undoubtedly is in a position to find the men, • and distinguished authorities have testified that the Chinese make bravo and enduring soldiers. But, taking account- of factors of organisation and transport, the Cninese millions must probably be regarded rather as a resorvc source of man-power to be drawn upon in case of need than as one from which'the Allied armies are likely to be largely reinforced in the n?ar future Even from this point of view, however, China represents a valuable addition to the I Allied strength, and meantime the Chinese labour corps in France arc no doubt being steadily expanded. The best feature of China's participation in the war'is that she is , spontaneously niakipg every possible contribution to the common cause. It may bo true that a considerable proportion of the teeming millions : who populate tho -Republic know and care very little about the war, but this is clue to the fact that China is at a very early stage of development as " democratic nation. It is not seriously open to dispute that the Central Government at Peking. . represents-the most^enlightened-sec-tions of the nation and that it has given no better proof of the fact than in making common cause with the Allies and declaring war to the death on German militarism. It is reasonable to believe that if China were further advanced in political development the hands of the Government would be correspondingly ■strengthened in its--action agiinst the Central Empires as- in other matters.

The continued extension of China's war activities is welcome hot only for its own sake; but as indicating the .failure of the propaganda by which the enemy is seeking to divide the people of the Republic and .inculcate distrust of the Allies. The expulsion of Germans from official positions and other measures of control instituted by the Chinese sGovernment have not completely suppressed this propaganda, and it was stated recently by the London World that "there is at work' a mysterious Press flooding the land with leaflets on the subject of AngloSaxon combinations with Japan for tho betrayal-of Chinese interests.'" The same journal declared that Berlin had plans of its own to use "tho Chinese agreement" between Washington and Tokio as a point of departure for a propaganda, if notfor a new _ rebellion,_ in the south. In 'conspiring to this end—as it would now ■' seem quite abortively—enemy agents _ made the most of an admission mally made by Secretary Lansing, on behalf of tho United States, that "Japan has special interests in China," and of the fact | ,that tho Chinese Government pro-'i 'tested against the agreement and intimated that it would not allow itself to be bound by any agreement, entered into by. other nations. An iixaminatioh of . tho , position, seemu.:tq,-.-mako it. .quite clear, however, that nothing in the agreement between the United States and Japan in any degree threatens the independence or welfare of China. Reference to the agreement _ shows that the recognition of special Japanese interests in China is so defined and qualified as to exclude any possibility of sinister interpretation. It reads in part:

The Governments of the United States and Japan recognise that territorial propinquity creates special relations between countries, and, consequently, the Government of the United States recosnisos that Japan has special interests in China, particularly in the \part to which her possessions are contiguous.

The' territorial sovereignty of China, nevertheless, remains unimpaired, and the Government of tho United States has every confidence in tho repeated assurances of the Imperial Japanese Government that, while tho geographical position gi'ves Japan such special interests, they have no desire to discriminate against the trade of other nations or to disregard the commercial rights heretofore grafted by China in treaties with other Powers.

- The Governments, of the United States and Japan deny that they have any purposo to infringe in' any way the iude-' pendence or territorial .integrity of China, and llicy declare, furthermore, that they always adhere to tho principle of the so-called "open door,' or equal opportunity for coramercc and industry in China.

Moreover, they mutually declare that they are opposed to the acquisition by any Government of any special rights or privileges that would affect the independence or territorial integrity of China, or that would deny to the subjects or citizens of any country the full enjoyment of equal opportunity in the commerce and industry of China.

It seems obvious that although this agreement drew a formal protest from, the Chinese it contains nothing to which serious exception coulcl be taken/ An American commentator reaches the heart of the matter in observing that primarily the new understanding is not a regulation of Chinese affairs, but a regulation of Ameri-can-Ja'panese affairs. Any possiblo doubt-' on the subjcct was resolved by Secretary Lansing in a statement accompanying tho agreement. Ho declared in effect that the agreement marked the defeat of the propaganda by which Germany had sought to bring the United States and Japan into collision. It was in an. attempt to save something out of the wreck of lifer Far Eastern machinations that Germany concentrated anew upon _ her propaganda in China. Satisfactory evidence is now afforded that she. has failed as definitely in this enterprise as .in her attempts to bring about a conflict .between, the United States and Japan.