The Dominion. THURSDAY, JANUARY 31, 1918. AUSTRIA AT THE CROSSROADS

Dominion, Volume 11, Issue 114, 31 January 1918, Page 4

The Dominion. THURSDAY, JANUARY 31, 1918. AUSTRIA AT THE CROSSROADS

♦—- —- , Austria's open confession that she has had enough of war, and the fact that sho has made an approach to Washington with the- object of ascertaining upon what terms peace is possible have thrown the Pan-Germans into a paroxysm of fury. In their ungovernable anger at the trend of events they are ready to turn and rend the German Emperor himself. _ On •_ of their newspapers dares to hint that the Kaiser has turned traitor, and implores "the confederated German Princes to intervene energetically to prevent Germany from sinking into the abyss which four men are preparing." But Austria's internal troubles and general exhaustion have created a situation which will not be improved by the wild ravings of Prussian Junkers. Count Beventlow speaks plain truth when he declares tint the Austrian Foreign Minister's _ offer to open separate negotiations with the United States endangers Germany's vital interests; but Iho industrial upheaval and the revolutionary temper of a largo section of the people of Austria-Hungary have reminded Count Czernin very forcibly that the vital interests of the l)ual Monarchy should be his first concern. He now seems to realise the necessity of making the best of a bad job. The howl of the PanGermans is counterbalanced by Iho fact that tho announcement that he is getting in touch with President Wilson evoked chesrs in the Austrian Parliament, and recent developments show very clearly that the Austrian populace is in no mood to give any encouragement to the outrageous clamour of the German annexationists. Present indications warrant the belief that Austria is neariog the cross-roads, and that the pressure of cvonts, may_ compel her to alter her relations with her principal ally. The, Deutsche Tageszeitung asserts that "Count Czebnin's speech raises serious questions regarding tlir Austrian Alliance." This is a decidedly significant avowal. If Austria should decide, to enter into negotiations for a separata peace Germany, would have no right'

to complain. Suoh a course would be quite in accordance with the political philosophy of Frederick the Great and Bismarck. The former has laid it down that "if a ruler is obliged to sacrifice his own person for the welfare of his subjects, he is all the more obliged to sacrifice engagements the continuation of which would be harmful to his country. . . . The problem may be .summed up thus: Is it better that a nation should perish or that a sovereign should break his treaty 1 Who would be so imbecile as to hesitate how to decide?" Bismarck's words are very pertinent to the present situation. "It is hardly possible," he writes, "for the Government of a great Power to place its resources unreservedly at the disposal of a friendly State when the. sentiment of the people disapproves it." He goes on to say that if were to occur in the political situation of En-ops of such a kind as to make an -mti-Gerinan policy appear salus puhhea for Austria-Hungary, public faith could no more be expected to induce her to make an act of self-sacrinco than we i saw gratitude do during tho Crimean War, though the obligation was pei haps stronger than can bo established by the wax and parchment of a treaty." It is neither lovo nor gratitude, but fear that binds Austria to Germany at the present time. The Germans have got Austria in their remorseless grip, and Austria will find ifextremelydimeult to free herself. But separation is not impossible, and if the Dual Monarchy declines to support the Pan-German plans of coni quest, those plans must either ob abandonee! or tho Alliance- will break up. Dr. von Kuhuiann and Count Hertling must realise this, and it is their endeavour to conciliate Austria by moderating their war aims that has provoked the mad outburst of the Junkers. The German Government has to face the awkward fact that "the Austrian egg has been laid," and has now to reshape its policy to meet the requirements of,- the new situation that has been created.

In an article on "Austrian Possibilities" which appeared in the London Spectator about a year ago, reference was made to the general tendency to speak as if there was nothing but Germany to be considered as regards the war. The article went on to remind us that Germany has got junior partners, "and when trouble comes such persons are apt to be hard and unforgiving." This applies especially to Austria, where "the monarch is no longer supine with the fatalism of old age, as was the. late- Emperor ; but is young, active, and intensely anxious to save something out of the ruins of the once proud heritage of the Habsburgs." The > Spectator contended that the position gave scope for an experiment in diplomatic strategy with tho object of weakening or breaking tho Germanic Alliance. Why should not the. Entente Powers let Austria know that she might be given "terms so infinitely more favourable than those she could expect from any other solution of the problem that not only the Austrian people but the Hausburg dynasty must jump' at them as an unexpected road to_ salvation"? The Austrian Empire iwould have to be Largely reconstructed in accordance with tho principle of nationality and tho desires of the oppressed peoples which it now includes; but the Hahsburgs might rule over the Teutonic portion of their present dominions and the Roman Catholic States of the existing German Confederation. Such, a South German State would "prove a citadel for Roman Catholicism, and could hardly fail to receive the b'essings of tho Vatican." These suggestions arc, of course, only possibilities which might provide useful material for diplomacy to work upon, and the probability of an early interchange of views between Vienna and Washington directs attention once again to the future of Austria-Hungary. The laying of the "Austrian egg" may prove to b» a turning point in the war, and the world will watch with keen expectation for the 'bird that will come out o'' it. We can at present only speak of the separation of Austria and Germany as a possibility—nothing more. But if Austria should shako off the German yoke her action would have farreaching consequences. A c'ose student of Austrian affairs staFe's thai "Austria's retirement from the war would cut the connection between Germany on the one hand and Bulgaria and Turkey or- the other. The latter two States, being thrown on their own resources, could not hope to resist successfully, and would have to make peace, and th.-> South German States might then besdn negotiations with the Entente Powers in the hope that these would, at the settlement, discriminate between i Prussia, which the war, and J the non-Prussian States which were j forced into it againsi, their will."