BRITAIN'S WAR AIMS

Dominion, Volume 11, Issue 88, 7 January 1918, Page 5

BRITAIN'S WAR AIMS

\ CLEARLY OUTLINED BY MR. LLOYD GEORGE , OCCUPIED TERRITORIES MUST BE RESTORED By Telegraph-Press Association—Copyright (Rec. January 7, 1.15 a.m.) ■ . London, January 5. Mr. Lloyd George made an important statement to-day on behalf of the Government, on the war aims/ before the trade unions' delegates at Westminster, who will presently consider the question of man power. He began by saying that when the Government invited organised Labour to further assist to maintain the strength of +Jie armies in the field, its representatives, were entitled to ask that any misgivings regarding the purpose wherefore this precious strength was to be applied should be definitely clear. This was also true of all the citizens of the country. When millions were being called to suffer and die, and vast populations were subjected to sufferings and privations unprecedented in history, they were entitled to know tho causes wherefore they were making the sacrifices. Only tho clearest and greatest justice of the causes could justify a continuance for even ono day of this unspeakable agony of the nations. Most Critical Hour of the Conflict. We had arrived at the most critical hour of the terrible conflict. Before, any Government makes the fateful decision regarding the conditions whereunder it ought either to terminate or continue the straggle, it ought to satisfy the conscience of the nation. Therefore, during the last few days he had taken special pains to ascertain the view and attitude of representative men of all sections of thought and opinion in the country. He had perused in detail with the Labour leaders the meaning and intention of that declaration,: and had discussed the same momentous question with Mr. Asquith, Viscount Grey, and the representatives of the great dominions overseas. The result of these discussions was a material agreement as regards the character and purpose of the war ninis and the peace conditions, and in what he was about to say_ he was speaking not merely the mind of the Government, but of the nation and the Empire as a w,hole. Had to Join the Struggle or See Brute Forco Triumph. Hβ would commence by stating what wo were not fighting for. ' Wo were not fighting a war of aggression against the German people. The destruction or disruption of Germany or the German people had never been one of our wair aims. We wore most reluctant and quite unprepared for the dreadful ordeal. Wo were forced into the war in self-defence, and in defence of the violated public law of Europe, and in vindication of the most solemn treaty obligations, whereon the public system of Europe rested, and upon which Germany had ruthlessly trampled in the invasion of Belgium'. Wo had to join the struggle or see brute force triumph over public right and international justice. Only the realisation of the dreadful alternative* had forced Britain into the war. From , that original attitude Britain had never swerved. It was not our wish to question or destroy tho great position Germany held in the world, but rather to turn her from her hopes and schemes for military domination find seo her devote all her strength to the great beneficent tasks of the world. Wo were not fighting to destroy Aus-tria-Hungary or to deprive Turkey of Constantinople or the rich, renowned lands of Asia Minor and Thrace, which,were predominantly Turkish racially; nor did we war merely to alter or destroy the Imperial constitution of Germany, muoh as we consider that the military autocratic constitution is a dangerous anachronism in the twentieth century. Objects of the central Empires. "Our viewpoint," continued Mr. Lloyd George, "is that the adoption of a really democratic constitution by Germany would be the most convincing evidence that her old spirit of military domination was dead, and make it much easier to conclude a broad, democratic peaco with her; but that is a question for the German people to decide. Despite many adjurations from opponents nnd neutrals, the Central Empires continue to maintain complete silence as to the objects for which thoy are fighting. They uniformly decline to give any trustworthy information even upon so crucial a matter as their intention with regard to Belgium. The only clear thing in the vague reports of recent enemy peace conditions is that under no circumstances will the German demand for the restoration of her colonies bo given up. 'All the principles of self-determination here vanish into thin air as mere lip service to the formula of no-annexations or indemnities, or the right of self; determination is uselees. Before nny negotiations can be begun the Central Powers must realise the essential facts of the situation. Tho days of the Treaty of Vienna are long past. Wβ cannot longer submit the future or European civilisation to the arbitrary decisions of a few negotiators striving to_ secure by chicanery or persuasion tlie interest of this or that dynasfcv or nation. The settlement of the new Europe must be based on such grounds of reason and justice as will give some promise of stability therefore we feel that government with the consent of tho governed must be the basis of any territorial settlement after tho war. The Restoration and Independence of Belgium. "Unless every nation is prepared at whatever sacrifices to honour its national signature, it is obvious no peace treaty will be worth the paper on which it is written; therefore the first requirement of Britain and her Allies is the complete restoration and political territorial economic independence of Belgium, and such reparation as can he made for the devastation of its towns and provinces. This is not a demand for a war indemnity like- that imposed in 1871, and not an attempt to shift tho maximum cost of warlike operation from one belligerent to another, which may or may not be defensible It is no more and no less than an insistence that before there can be any hope of a stable peace this great breach of the public law of Europe must ho rcpu'diated, and as far as possible repaired. Reparation means recognition Unless international right is recognised by an insistence on payment for' injury done in_ defiance of its canons it can never bo a reality. Next comes the restoration of Serbia, Montenegro, and the occupied parts of France Italv and Rumania, and the complete withdrawal of tho alien armies 'Reparation for injustice done is the fundamental condition- of permanent peace "We mean to stand Bγ the French democracy to the death on tho demand thev make for a reconsideration of the cireat wrong of 1871, when without anv Tegard to the wishes of tho population two French province's were torn from Franco and incorporated in tho German Empire This sore has poisoned the peaco of Europe for half acenturv. Until it is cured healthy conditions cannot be restored. '['hero can bo no hotter illustrat.ion of the folly and wickedness of using a transient military success to' violatp national right. The Position of Russia. _ "I will not attempt to deal with the question of the Russian territories under German occupation. The Russian policy since the Revolution has passed through so many phases that it is difficult "to speak without some suspension of judgment with regard to what the situation will he when the final European peace terms are discussed. Russia accopted the war because it was true to her traditional guardianship of tho weaker communities of li<>r race, and she stepped in to protect Serbia from tho plot against her independence*. France, true to her treaty conditions, stood by her Ally in a quarrel that was not her own. Her chivalrous respect for treaty led to tho wanton invasion of Belgium. Tho treaty obligations of Britain to that little land brought us into tho war. The present rulers in Russia, aro nnw engaged, without nny rofprence tothe countries whom Russia brought into the war, in separate negotiations with the common enemy. I .am indulging in no reproaches, but am merely stating the facts with a view tn making it clear why Britain ennnot, he held accountable for decisions taken in her absence, and concerning which she has not been consulted or her aid invoked. Prussia's Designs Upon Russia. "No one who knows Prussia and her designs upon Russia fcsin for a moment doubt her ultimate intention. Whatever the phrases she uses to deludo Rueuia, sho does not mean to surrender oup of Russia's fair provinces or citios now occupied by her forces, under ono nainn or anothor,_ and the name hardly matters. Thoso provinces will henceforth bo in reality part of the dominions of Prussia, and ho ruled

by tiio Prussian sword in tlio interests of Prussian autocracy. The remainder of tho people of Russia will bo partly enticed by specious phrases and partly bullied by throat of continued war against an impotent army into a condition of complete, economic and ultimate political enslavement to Germany. Wo all deploro tho prospect, but tho British democracy means to stand to the last by the democracies of tho other Allies. Wo shall he proud to fight to the ond side by side with tho new democracy of Russia. So wilt America, Franco, and Italy. But if tho present rulers of Hiissia take action independent of tlie Allies, we have no means of intervening to arrest the catastrophe that is assuredly befalling Russia. She can only be saved by her own people. However, we belicvo that an independent Poland, comprising all tho genuinely Polish olcments who desire to form a part, is an urgent necessity for tho stability of Western Europe. Austria-Hungary an Instrument of Prussia. "Similarly, though wo agree with President AVilson that to break up Austria-Hungary is no part of our war aims, we feel that unless a genuine, truly democratic form of self-government is granted those Austro-Hungarian nationalities who have long desired it, it is impossible to remove tho causes of.the unrest in that part of Europe which have for so long threatened the general peace. On the same grounds, wo regard as vital tho satisfaction ol the legitimate claims of tho Italians for a -union with those of their own raceand tongue. Wo also mean to press for justice to tho men of Rumanian blood and speech in their legitimate aspirations. If these conditions wero fulfilled Austria-Hungary would become a power whose strength would conduce to tho permanent freedom of Europe, instead of merely being an instrument of the pernicious military autocracy of Prussia, who used tho resources of her allies in furtherance of her own sinister purposes. We believe that otitsido Europe tho samo principles should bo applied."—Aus.-N.Z. Cable Assn.-Reuter.