The Dominion. FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 28, 1917. THE LESSON OF THE SYDNEY STRIKE

Dominion, Volume 11, Issue 3, 28 September 1917, Page 4

The Dominion. FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 28, 1917. THE LESSON OF THE SYDNEY STRIKE

Though it presents some aspects I j luu dcllement, the leading issues of the disastrous strike which opened in Australia more than eight weeks ago are defined in a fashion I which admits of no mistake. Responsibility for the continuation of the strike now .rests solely upon the Coal-Miners' Federation. The lino of action taken by this body and the : terms it is seeking to impose upon the Government of New South Wales give clear prominence to the mabhods and principles of indusj trial unionism as it has developed | in Australia. ' It will be remembered that the strike arose out of tho refusal of the employees in tho Government railway and tramway workshops in New South Wales to submit to the introduction of n, jtime-card system—an up-to-dato method of keeping accurate records of work done and of the time; spent in "doing it. 3>lie workshop employees alleged that tho time-card system -was identified with speedingup, or was intended to pave the way for the institution of that practice. It is obvious that tho allegation, was dishonest. Accurate working records are in themselves a safeguard against illegitimate speeding-up, and Only where such records aro kept is it possible to say whether speeding-up is in vogue, ,or, conversely, whether go-slow tactics aru being practised. It was simply and solely because they objected to a records system which would show what work they were doing that, the New South I AVales workshop em- '[ ployees downed tools. This is what Mr. Fuller, Acting-Premier ol New South Wales, has called the wicked genesis of the strike. His language is certainly not stronger than the occasion demands. _ The first thing to bo considered in determining tho moral standing of tho Coal Miners' Federation in supporting and seeking to continue tln strike is that, along with various other industrial bodies, it struck "in sympathy with tho action of the workshop employees—men ■ who downed tools without having a shadow of legitimate grievance. To this extent 'all tho unions and organisations which joined in the strike are on tho same, moral level, and that level is low. But the_ action of the miners is mado peculiarly indefensible by tho special circumstances in which -they were placed. Striking in sympathy with tho railwaymcn, and admittedly without grievances of their own, tho miners deliberately violated an undertaking into which they had entered with the Federal Government not to strike for the period of the war. As Mr. Fuli,er pointed out in a recent statement they had scoured from the Federal Government a special tribunal to settle their griovanccs during the war period.

That tribunal (he added) granted (hem their own interpretation of eight hours bank-to-bank, also conceded an increase in wages to tho extent of about 20 per cent., and gave improvement in ft number of industrial conditions. As a return for those concessions tno Cofil Miners' Federation 1 agreed . that they would not strike (luring tho period of the war. The moment the railway strike occurred, however, they were induced to hold up ccml supplies. . - ■ The essential fact is that tho coal miners did as a body cense work, and only a few days ago the president of their association, Mr. Baddeley, announced that in similar circumstances tho coal miners irould pursue exactly the snmo course, and that when the Government took stops to cut coal for the community some mine owners were served with notice that their managers would he declared 'Tjlack" > whenever operations were resumed.

This is tho doctrine: "To hell with agreements," expressed and acted upon with unparalleled effronterv, arid, as Mr. 'Fuller observed, the New South Wales Government had and still has only one duty to perform. By its own action and tho declaration of its president, tho Coal Miners' Federation is branded as incapable of entering into an honourable agreement. This, however, does not complete the case. Now that the strike is on its last legs the Coal Miners' Federation is demanding that the Government of New South Wales should reward and share its dishonour. Tho Government met the defiance and breach of faith of the minora by deciding to work the mines with volunteer labour. Considerable success has attended tho enterprise. Twelve mines' in New South Wales were working ten days ago, and operations have since been commenced in others. The coal output is still, of course, far from normal, but it is steadily increasing. The Coal Mincr«' Federation now demands as n condition precedent to the termination of tho strike that the volunteers working in the miners should

ho dismissed. The issues arc thus perfectly simple. The miners broko their pledged word, and vio latcd a binding agreement in join ing (.lie strike. They compelled the Government to employ free ; labou>. Tho demand'they now make'is thai a premium should bo set on dishonour, and that the shameless breach of agreement which they were guilty of at the outset of tho strike should now be copied by th« Government, '\ which it is . insisted must break its pledge to the volim teer workers.

It has been justly obsorved that in the present struggle in New South Wales tho Government is thi community defending itself, and th& defensivo stand has not been taken in vain. Not only in its resistance to tho outrageous demand of the miners. but in its policy throughout tho strike the Government of Now South Wales has effectively demonstrated that there are limits to the policy of dragooning the com. rminity by stopping the wheels of | industry. On this account tho 'Aus i tralian strike of 1917 promises to mark an epoch in industrial history. As some compensation for the enormous loss and suffering which are its immediate fruits, ;it has thrown clear light upon the 6tupidly reactionary policy and methods of tho men who at present dominate the industrial organisations of Australia. This futile strike, based upon no grievance and continued in defiance of all reason and common honesty, should do a great deal'to promote general appreciation of the fact that strikes and the organisation which niakes for strikes are purely destructive in tendency, and serve no interests, least of all those of men and women who earn their_ living in industrial vocations. If right and reason prevail, men who promote strikes and paralyse industry either for selfish ends or in mere ineptitude will be regarded in the same light as criminals who burn '.or blow, up buildings or perpetrate other outrages on tho jiublic. Such criminals are sometimes classed as insane, but their deeds are nevet tolerated. The ccntral lesson of the present strike in Australia is that industrial _ organisation has been diverted widely from , its true and appointed path, and that m the interests' of the workers more than of any other class it must bo overhauled and transformed. .To tho extent that its _ essential character has been realised the strike has assisted to lay the. foundations of a better industrial'order.