SCENE IN FEDERAL HOUSE

Dominion, Volume 10, Issue 3026, 13 March 1917, Page 6

SCENE IN FEDERAL HOUSE

CHARGES OF BRIBERY AND CORRUPTION SENSATIONAL DEBATE mr, Hughes and the caucus (Melbourne "Argus.") Melbourne, March 2. Proceedings in both Houses of the Federal Parliament yesterday were of a sensational character. Following upon tho resignation on Thursday of Senator Ready, which had. the effect of transforming the Ministerial minority in til© Senate into a majority, Senator Watson made a sensational statement, on the basis of which charges of attempted bribery and corruption were levelled against the Prime Minister (Mr. Hughes), and a Royal Commission was demanded to investigate tho facts.

Senator Watson's, statement was to /the eft'cct that Mr. Hughes had approached him and suggested that he should resign his seat in .tho Senate, in the same manner as Senator Ready •had subsequently done, allowing a Ministerial supporter' to be' elected in his stead, and that Mr. Hughes had offered to find him another position in tho event of his agreeing to tho suggestion. Senator Watson made this disclosure in the form of a carefully-pre-pared statement, which he had apparently drafted after a meeting of his party, at which he had intimated his intention to make his story public. The reading of the statement in tho Senate was received with choers and hand-claps by the Caucus members, and subsequently it formed tho subject of a prolonged and bitter debate, in the course of which Senator Mullan (Cau., Q.) was suspended for declaring that Mi*. Hughes had offered a bribe to Senator Watson, and refusing to withdraw when called upon. Mr. Tudor's charges. The resignation of Senator Ready and ihe circumstances surrounding the appointment in his place of Senator Earle were made the grounds upon which a oharge of attempted'bribery and corruption was levelled against the Primo ■Minister (Mr. Hughes) in the House of . Representatives tho same day. Mr. Tudor, the leader of the Caucus party, who mado tho impeachment, asked that a Royal Commission should bo ap--pointed to inquire into all the circumstances of the occurrence. Mr. Tudor said:—

I rise to a question of privilege. A most important statement lias been, mado in another place this morning, reflecting upon the honour and integrity ''of several members of Parliament, and at least oiie member of this House has had his name brought into the discsusion. It was alleged by Senator Watson that, about. three weeks ago he was approached b.v the President of the Son: I .''.'. and during a, conversation it was suggested that a way might be found jfor him—that ho was not in right company at, present— to vote for tli£ Government proposal ior the extension of the life of Parliament. After that he was seen b.v the Minister of Defence on public matters, and a statement was made similar to that made bv the President of the Senate. After Senator Watson's return to Newcastle two telegrams were sent him by the Minister of Defence, one that he was to see the Prime Minister fn Sydney, and a subsequent telegram cancelling the first wire, as Mr. Hughes did not go to' Sydney that week. When Senator Watson returned to Melbourne, and saw Senator Pearce again on lylitnry or defence matters, it was stated by Senator. Pearce: "You probablv did not know about the, two wires I sent?" Senator Watson replied that they explained themselves— JJgsijsked what Mr. Hughes desired to see him about. Senator Pearce replied: "A most important matter." Senator Watson said: I am hero now: I will seo him." A. telephone appointment was made, and he saw the Prime' Minister. Senator Watson said that at that interview with the Prime Minister Mr. Hughes asked him to leave the party of which lie waa a member, and promised that he would practically make it worth his 1/0 ' ,6 would find him a iob. as lie (Senator Watson) would not be able to live in Newcastle again. Senator Watson replied that he would not go back and face the men in Newcastle % -netted on them like that, an 4 tlw Prime Minister told him that there was 110 need for him to live in Newcastle. A place could be found for him elsewhere. That statement is snftmeijtly serious in itself. Members on that' side of the House are as much 'ijiplioatof] in the honour and integrity of this House as wo are, and I think it necessary that action should be taken, 111 view of the statements made We read that the Premier of Tasmania was hurriedly called to ; New South Wales to see the IJrime Ministor last week: that he was away 011 the east coast of Tasmania at the time; that he hurriedly le£b for xiobart to catch a boat for Sydney; and that since the resignation of Senator -Ready, which took place yesterday, Mr. Earle, who is strangely enough in Melbourne as though ready for the occurrence, is sworn in as a member of the Senate. I say it will be for this House to ascertain the whole facts. I am not dealing with that resignation now, but I say it is just like marbles running into a hole —every one following eaoh other. Although the President told the Senate last night that the resignation did not take place until one minute past 6, the new senator is sworn in to-day, (Oaucus cries of "Scandalous," "Disgraceful.") _ I happened to he a member of a Ministry for some four or five years, and I cannot recall to mind any occasion 011 which an Executive Council meeting was held at night. Members opposite, who havo been oil both l ,A edenil and Stato Ministries, cannot recall such a thing. Yet wo read that, following the resignation of Senator Ready, a, meeting of the Tasmanian Kxecutive Council was held, and Mr. JCarle's election was telegraphed over. Going back to the statement mado by Senator Watson, he used the names of Senator Givens and the Minister for Defence. I heard one of them speak—tho President, but the President did not deny one single word l that was said by Senator Watson. He said ho considered everything that took placo in his room private and confidential! But there ai'o some things that are, not private and confidential when they concern the honour of this country. (Caucus cheers.) L do not desire to flog this matter. I never rose to mako a speech with more reluctance, but I say, if we are to do our duty to the public of Australia., when we see bribery and corruption enter into the public life of Parliament, it is the duty of every man to do his best to "scotch" it. Mr. Finlayson (Can.. Q.): This is the man who talked of German gold. Where is tho German gold now ? Mr. Tudor: I beg to liicve— "That the .statements made in another place, relating,to attempted bribery and corruption ; also the ■ circumstances surrounding tin: resignation of Senator Beady, be re- . ftiled Oo.BHisslflHj grew

ferably of the High Court of Australia." Mr. Burns (Can., X.S.W.) seconded the motion. Mr. Hughes in Reply. Mr. Hughes then spoke as follows: — The hon. member has mado what are, in effect, charges against membors of our party, in their nature the gravest that can be laid against public men. I am called upon, oil the spur of the moment, to ileal with those charges, and I can only deal with them on the statement put forward by my hon. friend. ' I have not had the opportunity to read the speeches of gentlemen in another place, but I shall recount the facts, and leave hon. gentlemen to draw their own conclusions. Hon. members, in order to understand the position, must divest themselves of the atmosphere and the political and party environment in which this has been generated. The hon. member has said that an attempt has been made to bribe Senator AVatson. That is what it amounts to. Let me now state my own part—and stale it clearly. I have seen Senator Watson, a man whom I have known for twenty-five years, a' man with whom T have worked, a man with whom T. was on the closest terms of personal friendship, only once since that afternoon when T vacated the chair in the party room of tho Official Labour party. On that ocoasion. because 1. knew the man—the man he. was—and knew his convictions, I asked him to see me. T said to him, "I want to ask you what you pronose to do in regard to supporting our Government." He said to nie, aftpr some little conversation, "You are rieht, and we are wrong. I wish T. had the courage to do what you have done." I replied, "Unless you do what T have done, you will never have an easy moment in your life. You are a man born and bred in an environment that makes your present company intolerable to you. Yon know the type of man that now leads the Labour movement in New South Wales, and you lcnow that every breath you draw in their company is an offence to your conscience." He said, "I do know it." Then T said, "Act on your convictions and as your conscience guides you." Again he said, "I wish I were able to do so." I asked, "Why can you not do it?" But he said that he would stick to the men with whom he was compelled to contest the next Senate elections, though he despised and j disliked them. He said, "I know we shall be beaten out of sight," and I asked him: "Haven't you got courage to do what your conscience and your common sense alike tell you to do?" but he replied, "I have not." 1 asked him, if he could not remain at Newcastle, why he did not do like mc, and leave Newcastle as I had left Sydney, but ho said again, "No, I. cannot do it." (Caucus ohecrs.) There the matter ended, I utterly deny that Senator Watson was approached in any other way than to appeal to his conscience and convictions. (Ministerial cheers.) It is a despicable and contemptible lie. (Cheers.) Tile predilections of Senator Watson are perfectly well known. There is not a" man in the Caucus party who does not know that between Senator Watson and th» men now loading the Labour machine in New South Wales there is a gulf as wido as hell. Every man knows it. All his colleagues know that, had he been able to do it, he would have advocated strongly the cause that this Government stands for. Arid' yet Mr. Tudor expects us to believe that when Senator AVatson says he was interviewed by the President of the Senate, Senator Pearce, and myself be experienced profound astonishment cach time, and could not make out what we wanted to see him about. I say the whole thing is absurd on the face of it. The Caucus Conscience, We do not deny that he was asked to come over and stand with us. But what- is there wrong in that? There are half a dozen men in the Caucus Party to-day who have come to me and said that they wished I had told them that I intended to leave tho Caucusroom when I did. (Disorder.) Mr. Finlayson (Cau., Q.): That is a lie. Mr. Burns (Cau., N.S.W.): Nam® them, name them. j The Deputy Speaker: Order. I desire to direct the attention of the House to the fact that the Leader of the House is charged with one of the most serious offences that could be committed by a member. He is defending himself, and every lion, member should hear him in silence. If there is one time more than another when there should bo absolute silence, it is when such a grave matter as this is before the House. I shall ask, indeed, I shall demand, that members shall listen in silence. The Deputy Speaker also called upon Mr. Finlayson to -witldraw his interjection, and Mr. Finlaysan did so. Mr. Hughes: I shall not name the members to whom I refer, but I invite ea.cfi member of tho party opposite to get lip and say that it is a lie. Amid! -uproar, every member of the Caucus Party in the House rose in his seat. Mr. Hughes: Among those who have risen, ono has risen in opposition to the truth. (Disorder.) Fortunately for me, the evidence does not rest oil my bare word. But J will pass that by. You must remember that you are not the whole party. There are others in another place. Mr. Anstey (Cau., Vic.): Now, that is dirty. Mr. Hughes (to the Opposition): 1 contend that wo have as much right to approach members of the other party and appeal to them to do that which they themselves believe to be right es those leagues which tyrannise over you have to dictate to you -what course you shall follow. Why are you there today? You are there because you have not the courage to stand up for yourselves. The thumb-screw is turned' on you now, and if you do not do what; you are told you will be struck off the ticket. You know that very,well. Did you not ask me, every one of yon, to go" round to the Labour organisations throughout Australia, and beg them to give you a. free hand on conscription ? (Disorder.) Mr. Finlayson: That is another lie. Mr. Chapman (Lib. Min., N.S.W.): This is not a Parliament; it is a- hear garden. ]Ylr. Parker Moloney (Can., Vic.): He is not replying to the charge. Mr. Anstey: He defends hi nisei I by trying to prove others as bad as himself. The Deputy-Speaker: Order. I am going to preserve the dignity of this Parliament so long as I occupy the chair. I shall act, if needs be, but 1 do appeal to members on such a grave occasion as this—and, indeed, lIOI J e could be more grave —to lie absolutely silent. The Prime Minister is charged with the gravest offence that a member could be charged with. Ho'is making his defence iu his own way. Members who have a grievance can reply afterwards. ► Mr. Hughes: These hon. gentlemen who are now so jealous of the honour of the House, and so eager that conviction may find free expression, found themselves so entangled with the organisations—with their fetters holding them hack from following their convictions—that they asked me to go around to the organisations and seek for them a freehand so that they could support me. Do they deny it? Mr. Finlayson: Absolutely. (Uproar.) Mr. Hughes: Tf you deny that, then T despair of you. It is a fact, nevertheless. and members who are now on this side of l.lie House know ; t. Moreover, it was on the request of a member now silting ou the other skte of 'the House thajj I Adelaide

Sydney, and Brisbane, and tried to get a free hand for them. Reign of Terror Abroad. There, is a reign of terror abroad. No man dare move or speak, except as these gentlemen outside dictate. I have' been tho victim of tho vilest calumny ever since I dared to say what I, believed to be the right policy for Australia. I have asked members of the Senate to stick to us, to join the party on this sido with which I have been associated for 25 years. Does anybody deny that I have the right to do that? Does the Opposition deny it? Thcro are means at tho disposal of the men opposite which thoy use without scruple, and now, when ono of their men finds himself suspeot by. the Caucus party—and rightly suspect, because thoy know how be feels—be endeavours to make himself right with his party as the member for Melbourne Ports (Mr. Mathews) did last night. He hoped to make himself right with those who would wipe him out. He knew that the only way to do that was to outrun the people outside by being more bloodthirsty and more, unscrupulous than they. These charges are hurled at me by members opposite. I have been in this House for many years. I have been their friend, their supporter, their leader, their fighter. They have never known mo to turn my back on any fight. They can never Bay that. But they have vilified me with every kind of abuse ever since. I dared to introduce into this country a fundamental plank of democracy, the referendum. Since then they have never ceased to hurl at me every vile j epithet. What is it that I have done? I I proposed that the people should have | a voice in the conduct of the war. j What other crime have I committed? [Why do they not put a name to it? i But these gentlemen opposite feel their | position very keenly. They realise that their mastors are in fact their rival?. They know that their masters demand servility, because their masters want to take their places. _ because their masters envy tbem. (Ministerial cheers.) I do nSt tar all the gentlemen opposite with the same hrusli. By no means. I speak of those who have been foremost in their attacks on me. There are men opposite who passed through tho recent campaign and never said ono word against me. I never said one word against any of them except the member for Bourke (Mr. Anstey) and his connection with the I.W.W. I said everything about that organisation and about tho pernicious influences at work in the Labour party, and there is not ono member of that party who does not know that every word I said was absolutely true. (Ministerial cheers.) I leave the Opposition with my statement. I have recounted the substance of the conversation I had with Senator Watson. I asked him to consider tho circumstances as n whole. The man who makes this statement against me is ono who undeniably is not sympathetic to the policy of that section of the Labour party that sits opposite. Ho was suspected by the Caucus. Ho does, not deny what the President of the Senate, the Minister for Defence, and myself all say, namely, that ho said that his convictions and his conscience led him in our direction. There aro members opposite who know that perfectly well. ' I asked him to vote as his conscience and his convictions led him. Is that a crime? I told him, and he cannot deny it, that ho would never have any peace if he turned his conscience down. Can he deny that? !s that a crime? Those are the facts, and L absolutely deny anything beyond the appeal to his conscicnco and his convictions. Senator Watson is not without conscience or convictions, but he lacked courage. Beyond appealing to his conscience, and asking him to throw in his lot with my party, to ally hiniself to my fortunes, up or down, I absolutely deny that a word has bccu said. The Imperial Conference. I'come now to the resignation that took place yesterday. 'There, too, they are unable to say more than that circumstantial evidence supports their charge. _ I have to say that in my opinion it is vital that Australia should be represented at tho Imperial Conference, and that it is absolutely necessary, if Australia is to bo represented, that the delegates should leave Australia next week. < I will never leave Australia unless one of two things happens—either that there is an election or that the elections are postponed. Mr. Finlayson (Cau.', Q.):"Lct us have an election. Mr.* Hughes: I. was perfectly justified when a resignation was made, (.r was likely to be made, in making all arrangements so that Parliament could be continued. (Caucus laughter.) A Caucus Member: That is red hot.

~r. Hughes: I was justified in seeing that a>'majority for the Ministry was secured. I absolutely deny anything else but thai. I heard that there was a probability of a Senator resigning. I did not know at that time who it was, but I was told that it would bo one of the representatives of a certain State. On that I acted.

Mr. Catts (Cau., N.S.W.): Was that why Mr. Lee (Premier of Tasmania) went to Sydney?

Mr. Hughes: I absolutely deny anything further than, what I have said. If can name anything else, let us have it. All we have done is tins. A man has now been sworn in as a. member of the Senate for Tasmania, who is as good a Labour man as any man opposite. (Ministerial cheers.) He takes the place of a Senator who has resigned. I know nothing' more of the circumstances leading up to his resignation than is set out in the newspapers. I absolutely deny any knowledge of. the matter beyondl that. If there is any definite charge to he made against me lot it be made. In regard to Senator Watson and others T have done nothing except to appeal to their conscience and to their courage, to get tbem to stand up for what they believo to be right, to tear themselves from an organisation which is bent 011 destroying them, and which has disclosed its purpose clearly. I have already appealed to them, and I will appeal to them again. Members opposite know perfectly well the kind ! of man I am, that I will always light i for what I believe to be right, come] what may. I am attacked without cause. It was ■ decided by a majority of the Labour party that the conscription referendum should be taken, but ever since then numbers, some of them voted m that majority, have pursued! me with bitterness, and have made no effort to disclose their motive. Their' only motive is that the men outside have ordered that I shall be denounced. And so they have denounced me. I. have sat with*' them for years, andl against me personally they can have no charge to make, yet I aui singled out for attack by men with whom I have worked for years. I feel it very keenly, but if they want a light they crii have il . (Ministerial cheers.) I wani to say this, that I have never keen in iarour of a single dissolution or the postponement of the elections. If they want an election, and mean :t, by God they shaTTliave it (Loud cheers.) Sir William Irvine's Views. Sir 'William Irvine said that parties might come and go, but there was one tiling which was the basis of all Parliaments and public life in this country. That was the maintenance of the integrity of Parliament and of its members. It was a motion that in no circumstances the House could pass, or ought to pass. If they did pass such a motion, they would strike at the very basis of respnnsihlo government. No (jovornineiit could Tor one moment, lor a (lay, or a fraction of a day, sit oil the Ministerial benches, which eonsent- [ $ Jfl such a ihiߣ. lis RPnointaonfc

of a Royal Commission was the act of the Governor-General in Council. It was uone on the advice of the Ministry. Imagine tlio ridiculous position of Ministers asking tho GovGrnor-Goneral to appoint a Royal Commission to inquire as to wbethor their political integrity was inviolate. When an accusation was mn<Te against a man, it was tho right of that man to know exactly what he was cnarged with. He wanted to know what the Prime Minister -was charged with having done. Members of the Opposition inferred that the Prime Minister had promised to give Senator Watson a sum' of money. Was that what they said? Mr. Catts: It is what Senator Watson says. Sir William Irvine: If tlioy were going to deal with this vitally important matter in the, way that it should be dealt with his first step was net to say what somebody else luull said, but to make a definite charge. Mr. ®annait: Immediately 1 tried to .mention the oliarge, the Speaker said I was not in order. Sir William Irvine: That was because the form of the. motion precluded it. There was one way, and one way only, of preserving tho fundamental principles of Government in all parties. Chafes of corruption and maladministration could not bo determined by any tribunal outside Parliament. Parliament was the tribunal which must ffeoide the subject, always with tho ultimate appeal to the public. Suppose the Ministrv adopted the policy sugI gosted. Suppose they did humiliate themselves. Suppose Ministers receded the support of their own followers in. humiliating themselves, by gomg to the Goveriior-G oneral, and asking for ;i Koyal Commission, to d'ecide v-'hetlier the Prime Minister liad been guilty of direct bribery, could the Prime Minister occupy his present position such a commission were appointed? Several Caucus members: He should not be there. Mr. Bruce Smith (Liberal Minister, N.S.W.): That is your game, to get rid of him. f Sir William Irvine: The picture ol Ministers attempting to continue caioins on the business of the country v/hilo a commission was sitting over their heads to determine whether they were rogues and vagabonds was oiu> which he was unable to conceivc. Tho leader of tho Opposition had shrunk from making charges. Mr. Tudor had run awav froui it. (Caucus dissent.) Mr. Tudor: Don't you worry. You wait and sco.

Mr. Penton: It will come up overy day. This is not tho last of it. Sir William Irvine: Why did not Mr. Tudor say that tlio Prime Minister had offered pecuniary bribes to members of the Federal Parliament? Mr. Tudor had simply brought forward a statement made in another placc. Mr. Tudor did not take the responsibility of making a direct charge. Instead, ho, asked the Government to adopt the. ridiculous and impossible courso of appointing a Royal Commission. Mr. Tudor knew that no Government could do sucli a tiling. By doing that Mr. Tudor sheltered himself from the responsibility of making a direct charge. Tho Ministry had nothing to catch hold of in answering the_ statements that had been made, nothing but suspicion, nothing but a cloud of obnoxious gas, with which the Caucus was seeking to destroy the man who was leading tho Government. One or two of the circumstances did not reflect anv crediton members of tho Caucus. If there was a word of truth in what Senator Watson had said which they were, asked to swallow as gospel, why did tho Senator withhold this information foist'fortnight? Senator RflaJlv's resignation seemed to have afforded Senator AVatson Sn opportunity to attack tho Government. The Caucus members were so keen to use any poison against the Prime Minister that they also took of this opportunity. (Opposition dissent.)

Tlio Deputy Speaker had frequently to call _ for order, and threatened to name disorderly members. Mr. Fen ton interjected: "Oh, go on, jiamo sonienodv."

The Deputy Speaker (pronvntM: I name tho lion, member for Maribvrliong.

Penton: A lively Parliament. \\hat do you name mo for?

With some reluctance Mr. Ponton apologised.

Mr. F.i.inpson (Can., Vic.) contended that a direct charge ivas contained in Senator Watson's statement—"Mr. Hughes asked me if money stood in my way, I would lose nothing bv coming over to thorn: and ho said tTiat. bo bad novor deserted a man who stood hv him." J The Division. Mr. Tudor, in reply, said that if tho Ministerial party adopted the attitude takon up by Sir AVilliam Irvine, that tho method proposed in the motion was' the wrong way to deal with this ter, then ho would bo quite satisfied that his narty was in tho right. Sir William Irvine was tho last man he would go to for advice as to what the Labour Partv should do; Sir William Irvine said that no charge had been made. He belioved Senator Watson's statement, and that S-jator Watson would make that statement on oath. The matter would not end with the vote, to bo taken that afternoon. This bribery and corruption was absolutely rampant. Senator AVatson had been offered money bv the Government to retire or vote with them. Let the public have an opportunity of judging the Ministerial party, and' he believed that action would be taken, which would not bo in tho interests of the Ministry. On a division the. motion was defeated by 35 votes to 18.