The Dominion. FRIDAY, JULY 28, 1916. THE IRISH DEADLOCK

Dominion, Volume 9, Issue 2835, 28 July 1916, Page 4

The Dominion. FRIDAY, JULY 28, 1916. THE IRISH DEADLOCK

Me. Asquith's announcement that he does not now intend to introduce the Irish Settlement Bill does not necessarily mean that the Government is not going to ask Parliament during the present session to make any changes in regard to the government of Ireland. After the suppression of the recent rebellion, Mr. Asqtjith declared that Dublin Oastle government had broken down, and that something must be established in its place. The failure of the existing system is admitted by all parties, and if neither the Home Kule Act nor the proposed temporary Home Eule measure can be put in its place, some other course must be pursued. Mr. John Dillon is endeavouring to hasten matters by giving notice of motion asking what the Cabinet proposes to do. He wants Mr.-Asquitu to disclose his plans. At the present moment 'the prospects of a satisfactory solution of this difficult problem seem remote. At one time it looked as if Mr. Lloyd George had discovered a way out. Cablegrams .which were published in the New Zealand papers last month gavo the impression that the Unionists and Nationalists had practically reached an agreement, but the English newspapers which arrived by the last mail show that the gap between tho two parties had never been really bridged. Speaking to his constituents on June 14, Jin. Asqtjith said: What is desired now is a provisional settlement. When the war comes to an end, when the reign of peaco is established, wo shall have to take stock as an Empire of our internal'relations. . . . With such an Imperial record it will never be possible, in my judgment, to revert to our old methods of council and of government. The fabric of the Empire will have to be refashioned, and the relations, not only between Great Britain and Ireland, but between the United Kingdom and our Dominions, will of. necessity be brought, and brought promptly, under close and connected review. ' ,

The use of the term "provisional settlement" was at once challenged. Was the proposed settlement to be temporary or permanent? Controversy raged around this question, and the provision in the proposed Bill for the permanent exclusion of the Ulster counties eventually proved the rock on which the Government settlement scheme was wrecked. The plan originally submitted by Mr. Lloyd George for the approval of the Nationalist and Unionist leaders is as follows:—

()) To bring the Home Enlo Act into immediate operation; (2) to introduce at once an Amending Bill as a strictly "War Emergency Act to cover only tho period of the war and specified' interval after it; (3) during that period the Irish mombers to romaiii at Westminster in their full numbers; '(■!) during this war emergenoy period six Ulster counties fArmagh, Antrim, Down, Londonderry, Fermanagh, and Tyrone) to bo left as at present under tho Imperial Government; (5) immediately after tho war an Imperial Conference of representatives from .#ll tho Dominions of tho Empire to be held to consider the. futuro government of tho Empire, 'including tho qucstidn of the government of Ireland; (6) immediately after this Conference, and during tho interval provided for by tho War Emergency Act, the permanent settlement of all the groat outstanding problems, such as tho permanent position of the six exempted counties, tho question of finance, and other problems which cannot bo dealt with during the war, would be proceeded with.

This plan was agreed to by a Conference of Nationalists, It was also conditionally accepted by. the

Ulster Unionist Council, which declared :

(1) 'JJliat they still believed the policy of Home Itulo dangerous to the security of tho Empire .and subversive of the best iutereats of Ireland and the United Kingdom;. (2) that as the Cabinet thought that a settlement now would strengthen the Empire, and help l to win the war, they authorised Sir Edward Carson to continue the negotiations on the basis proposed, and complete thoin it the details were arranged faThis satisfaction; (3) that if this came "about they would do their best to protect the Unionists of the throo included counties (Cavnn, Monaghan, and Donegal) from injustice and oppression; and (4) that if tho negotiations came to nothing, they reserved their full freedom of action aga'inst Homo . Rule. The failure of the settlement proposals to arouse enthusiasm was only too obvious. Neither side was satisfied with them. Tho measure of acceptance which they eventually gained was mainly due to pressure of circumstances. Tho Nationalists fastened on Mr. Asquith's reference to a ."provisional settlement," and firmly held that the Settlement Bill was to be an emergency measure for the period of tho war only. The Ulster Unionists were equally emphatic in their contention that all questions connected with Home Rule were to be settled now instead of at the termination of the war. Tho Nationalists would only agree to tho oxolusion of Ulster as a purely temporary expedient, whereas ' a leading Ulster journal asserted that "if tho negotiations proceed, it will bo on the clear understanding that Ireland is to bo divided now, and that it is to remain divided, what-', ever happens at the Imperial Conference, unless ■ Ulster of its own freo will agrees to some other "arrangement." A similar view is taken by tho Spectator, which declares that Ulster must have an adequate assurance "that the settlement, is made, shall bo a real settlement, and not a temporary device—an honourable contract, not a trap." The difference of opinion between tho two parties on tho question whether tho exclusion of Ulster was to be temporary i or permanent seems to have been so irreconcilablo from the first that it is hard to understand how such high hopes were entertained of a solution of the problem. Possibly both parties were waiting for an .gffioial 4 statement of policy, which would show exactly what Mr. Asquith meant by a "provisional settlement." The provision in the Bill for tho pormanent exclusion of tho Ulster counties is in accordance with tho Unionist interpretation of this much-debated expression. As a. matter of fact, Miz. Asquith altered his mind on this point. Ho saw that it would bo impossible to compel an unwilling Ulster to recognise the jurisdiction of a Parliament. The refusal of the Nationalists to agree to tho permanent exclusion of Ulster, combined with the dispute regarding the. number of Irish members who should have seats in 'the British House of Commons after the general election, has resulted in the decision of tho Government not to proceed with tho Settlement Bill. Tho failure of this well-intentioned effort to bring about a substantial agreement between all parties is, of course, regrettable, but it is certainly not surprising. Thero aro those who hold that it is not expedient to make such an important chango in tho constitution as that proposed in the Bill at such a critical juncture as the present. This contention is not at all unreasonable. It i'fi quite possiblo that tho courso of events may provo that the obstacles which havo been placed in the way of tho Government's settlement proposals may prove a blessing in disguise. No ono appeared wholly satisfied with tho proposals—thoy had split tho Nationalists; they had divided the Ulstermen; the O'Brienites were openly scornful; and tho ..Unionists and Liberals viewed them with doubt and suspicion. What tho outcome would have, been had they been accepted can only be guessed at, but in face of the facts now available it is clear that the trouble would not have' been ended. Now the Government will have to tackle tho question anow, and possibly tho outcome will be some form.of provisional government for Ireland through a _ special department of State, guided by Commissioners resident in.and familiar with conditions in Ireland. Bnt as to that we must await Mr. Asquith's announcement,, which, cannot bo long delayed.