The Dominion. WEDNESDAY, JULY 12, 1916. THE GRANTING OF HOME RULE

Dominion, Volume 9, Issue 2821, 12 July 1916, Page 6

The Dominion. WEDNESDAY, JULY 12, 1916. THE GRANTING OF HOME RULE

Mr. Asquith's announcement of the terms of the Irish agreement is not likely to bo received with much enthusiasm either in Great Britain or Ireland. The present moment is certainly not an opportune one for making fundamental alterations in the British Constitution, and the change now proposed is one of those half-measures that will satisfy none of the parties most .concerned. As so6n as war was declared it was generally felt that the constitutional changes then under consideration should not no proceeded with till the onemies of tho Empiro had been defeated. The Government entered into negotiations with the Unionist leaders, and as a result a Suspensory Act was passed which ordered that no steps should bo taken to put the Home Rule and AVelsh Church Acts into operation for twelve months in any ovent, and, if tho war was not then terminated, until such further date, not later than tho dato of the termination of the war, as plight bo fixed by Order-in-Oouncil. Both these Acts had met with strong opposition at every stage, and the political turmoil wnich they aroused continued- even after they reached the Statute Book. Ireland was on the verge of civil war. But no loyal subject of the King could act as a promoter of internal strife while the Empire was at grips with a powerful and unscrupulous external toe. Therefore, Ulstermen and Na-. tionalists agreed to allow existing political conditions to continue until pcaco had been restored. Then camo the Irish rebellion. This rcgrettablo event sounded the-death knoll, of •the Dublin Castle system, tho tragic failuro of which compelled the British Government to devise a substitute. Ireland had to,be governed— but how 1 A new system would have to be established. Why not put in operation the scheme of self-govern-ment provided for in the Home Rule Act, or some modification of it that would be acceptable both to Nationalists and unionists 1 Negotiations were promptly set on foot, Mr. Lloyd George taking the matter up with his characteristic energy, and under pressure of exceptional circumstances the terms of settlement announced by Mr. AsQUith were agreed upon. It is proposed to set up an Irish Parliament, composed of the.present Irish members of tho House of Commons, but the six Ulster counties are to be excluded from its jurisdiction. An Appeal Court is to be sot up in Dublin, its members being appointed by the Imperial Executive, and the British Government is to retain exclusive authority in all matters arising out of the war. This is, of course, only tho barest outlino of the scheme. At any other time a great 1 ' constitutional change of this nature would have been regarded as a sensational event, but a new Constitution for Ireland becomes a matter of secondary importance when compared with the tremendous struggle in which the Empire is now engaged. r lho proposed settlement cannot be regardod as a full and final solution of the Irish problem. Indeed, Mr. Asquith makes it clear that it is a temporary measure, which has features which no one would voluntarily choose. The Unionists regard it with serious misgivings, and only accept it under pressure of irresistible necessity. They would nover have agreed to it had not the Ulster counties been excluded. As far as Ireland itself is concerned, the schemo does not meet with anything like unanimous approval. It is true that Mr. Redmond and the majority of his Parliamentary party have agreed to it, but it is said to be doubtful whether their action in this matter has the support of the mass of tho people of Ireland. Somo contend that if an election took place at'tho present juncture Mr. Redmond would find himself in a minority. However that nmy be it is quite certain that tho proposed settlement is unacceptable to a very considerable sectiou of tho Irish people. But it was absolutely necessary to do something. Tho proposed experiment will test the genuineness of the oft-repeated assurance that the granting of Home ftulo would strengthen the ties that bind Ireland to the British throne. 'It will also give the Irish members an opportunity of showing that they can govern their country as well as, or even better than, it has bcon governed by tho British Parliament The new scheme will, of course, have to be embodied in a Bill and receive the sanction of the Imperial Legislature before it can pc put into operation. It is sure 'to meet with a good deal of opposition from those who hold that a constitutional change of such magnitude ought not to bo made at such a critical time as tho present, and feel that the element of uncertainty is too large and the risk too great. This attitude is not an unreasonable one. It is also strengthened by the feeling that tho step proposed to be L "taken .will be regarded as a sicn of

[weakness ancl a concession to the rebels. A new system of government, nowovcr, is an imperative necessity, and the Government have chosen what may bo considered the line of least resistance. Me. Asquith told the House of Commons that Mr/ Lloyd George had consulted all sections of the people of Ireland, but this probably means little. It is a risky step at the present time, more especially in view of the continued nnrest in Ireland. Tho idea appears to exist that this ' unrest will be removed by granting Homo Rule even in the modified form proposed, but in well-informed quarters the concession given is regarded as being likely to lead to further complications of a dangerous nature which may call for tho interference of the British Government. We may hope that these forebodings will not be realised, and that the experiment will prove entirely successful. The whole Empire would rejoice to see a united, contented, and prosperous Ireland.