COMMANDEERING MEN

Dominion, Volume 9, Issue 2665, 10 January 1916, Page 6

COMMANDEERING MEN

THE CASE FOR CONSCRIPTION INDIVIDUAL AND THE STATE ADDRESS BY PROFESSOR MACKENZIE:. A very clear exposition of the case for conscription was given by Processor Mackenzie in an address in the Unitarian Church last evening. The subject of liis address was '"rue Commandeering of the Lives and Souls of Our loung Men: Conscription—to be or not to be?" "I have always been anxious to pass | for a Socialist," said Professor Mackenzie, "tliougu those who ordinarily I proclaim themselves such would pro- ' uably deny , me the light or privilege of calling myself a Socialist. I call myself a isociaiist because, alter long and careful study, according to my lights, of social and economic problems, J. believe that it is an essential i'uuction of tue State so to direct tilings that every healthj,. normal, well-intentionedmem-ber of the community, whose conduct and character have stood the usual social tests, shall have an opportunity aliorded lnm of making tue most of sucii mental endowments and acquired accomplishments as he possesses. We havo in New Zealand what is probably tho most, soundly democratic and sanely Socialistic political system in the world. Wo are becoming by a process of sane political evolution ouo of the most' socially developed communities in the world. Wa are becoming increasingly more and more democratic and socialistic in the best sense of these terms. We seek to establish equity in all our social, political, commercial, and otlior relations, 'i'hao is our social ideal ana aspiration. Wo are slowly but surely attaining our ideal. Wo do not believe in militarism, but we recognise that until there is pretty general agreement among the great nations of tlio world against militarism, it would be disastrous for us as a nation to identify ourselves with anti-militarism. If we are militarist and conscription ist, it is Hot because we believe in militarism or m conscription, but because tho dire necessity of defending our country, our lives and liberties, not to say our homes and hearths, makes it impossible for i.s to be other than militarist and conbcriptionist. ....

Tile Great idea!. ''We have one great ideal, and that vs that tho reciprocal relations of the individual and the State should bo put on as equitable a basis as possible. With that as an ideal, the Statu is, in my opinion, justified m calling upon tho individual citizens to recognise their obligations. to the, State. Our entire legislative and legal system may bo said to take it for granted that the State does direst and control things not in tho interests of a party or of a class, but in, the interests of the people as a whole. I am aware that too often things may appear to be far other than they ought to be in view of the ideal suggested; yet, - but for the Tact that there does exist some such ideal, tho social units which we call nations could not exist at all. Taking it, therefore, that the. State where (as witli us) constitutional government obtains 'honestly seeks to the. best of its power and ability to direct things not ill tho interests of tho few, or even the many, but rather in the interests of all, we, cannot dispute the State's right to call,' if need he, on the individual citizens, the beneficiaries of rational and constitutional rule, to help the State with personal service, or such other aid as the State may deem expedient.

Socialists Should fcs Conscriptionists. ' "A rational Socialism, I'make bold to affirm, demands that much. Socialists should therefore, I say, be conscriptionists. Until a federation of the enlightened, or of the whole world, is realised, and an international police system established with power to deal with offending nations just as our national justice departments at present deal with individual offenders, thero must bo occasions when it is tho duty of every individual citizen to render what service ho can. military, financial, or other, to the Stats. No citizen can acquire social or civic rights without incurring obligations at the same time. The sober and rational Socialist is as much occupied 'with .the question of his obligations to the State as with tho question of the State's obligations, to him. Tho pseudo-Socialist (that is, the irrational Socialist)' keeps as a rule harping, in season and out of season, on the question of the State's obligations to him, but rarely gives a. moment's consideration to the question of his obligation to tho State. It is, it would appear, to him merely a question of his so-called "rights.". The question of personal duty or obligation is, too often, completely forgotten or ignored. Those who are loudest in their professions of altruism and Socialism are found too often to be prompted and influenced by a social creed that i 3 the quintessence of selfishness. Even tho most altruistic andhumaritariau of us too readily forget or ignore the. ethical imperative: 'Whatsoever ye would that me should do to you, do ye even so to them.' We frequently Jiear people talking loudly, glibly, and vehemently about human and natural rights, and making wild, extravagant and declamatory demands 'iipon communities or nations upon which they have practically no legitimate claim whatever. These not rational but irrational Socialists completely forget or ignore the fact that no rights can be acquired until obligations have been incurred." Professor' Mackenzie proceeded to argue that as a man was born into the world without enforceable rights against anyone, and as in the earlier part of his life liis obligation to society increased until he grew to manhood, so in the last resort his rights against society must be determined by his value to tho community.

Are We Worthy of Our Heritage? "Now, though during our earlier years wo are of little or uo economio value to society," continued Professor Mackenzie, "and though wo could never bo of much real service to ourselves or to humanity but for the many services rendered and being rendered us by humanity, or—to be more definite—by the community in which ivc live,, wo are found too frequently indjdging _ in wild and reckless tirades against society, or, more-particularly, that part of society constituting the nation to which wo belong, and to which we most_ certainly owe all that is best in us. We modern Britons are as ungrateful offenders in this matter as can be found anywhere. We liavo either" not read, or we have forgotten tho history of civilisation, and more particularly tho part which our nation has played in championing and securing the liberties and privileges which we as an Empire now enjoy. Did rro but duly appreciate the privileges ■we enjoy as citizens of tho Umpire, or adequately realiso the prico paid for, and sacrifices made by our ancestors in securing for us, the political, social, and spiritual liberties which ive enjoy, wc should bo found such loyal subjects that the ugly term 'conscription' would never be heard among us. Even such ft crisis as now confronts us as a people <tnd as an Empire was needed to bring us to our senses, and I greatly fear that even this great catastrophe in tho history of the Empire and of tho world will fail to bring some of us to our senses. Wo have so long enjoyed tho fruits of the labour and sacrifices of those who have gone before us, of those ivho have lived and fought and died

Tor ns, that we are politically and socially, if not morally and spiritually, demoralised. Others havo sown and wo nave reaped. Now tho question comos: Are wo worthy of tho traditions we inherit, and of tho privileges, political, social, and spiritual, which we enjoy? Are we prepared to stand up for the cause of justice and of righteousness? Are we prepared to do for posterity what our .westers did for us? If we really do, there should bo no occasion whatever to resort to what is called 'conscription.' But, on tho other hand, if there are able-bodied men of military age among us —and I believe there are— who aro unconscious of any obligation, moral or other, in this connection, then [ am firmly convinced it is the duty of the State to bring home to them a sonso of their obligations and duty by resorting to conscription.''

On the Other Hand. Professor Mackenzie went on to discuss the obligations of the Stato to the noldier. Ho thought it must bo regretfully admitted that so far as our own men who had volunteered were concerned, the State had failed to -undertake due legal obligations, and to make adequate provision for thoir relatives <uid dependent's. This, he contended, was a question that ought to be very seriously considered before conscription was enforced. Before the lives of men were to be commandeered there should bo such a commandeering of tho wealth of our capitalists by drastic but equitable taxation as would ensure that the State would be ablo to discharge the obligations it incurred to the families of tole men sent to light. The Plan of compulsion. Ho defined his plan of compulsory service as follows: ' 'Kor myself 1 would have legislation introduced at the earliest possible moment, if our accredited statesmen deem it necessary, enforcing a just and rational form of conscription during the war. I would apply conscription for military service to all physically lit men between the ages of and 50 years, and conscription for non-combatant .scrvice to all physically fit between the ages of 18 and 20, ami also to all between 50 and 60. It is to my mind the height of cowardice and tmllyism to ask, not to say coerce, boys under 2J. years of age, who havn acquired no voice in the affairs of tho country, and who havo no conception of what life really means, or what war really involves, to fight for us while trie services of any man, married or single, between 25 and 50 years of age arc available When tlieso are exhausted then let us draw upon the boys. And yet {'here aro fanatical females going ifboii!'. the streets calling boys of l(j and 17 'JT'rkcr' I In the case of married men of military ago exemption should depend on tho number of dependents Bachelors and married men' without children should bo called upon to serve Cetoro men with families, and.men with one child should be called upon before men wiWi two children, >uid so on. Lads from 21 to 25, while, subject to conscription for non-combatant service, should be allowed to volunteer for war service. There should bo no exemption to men of military ago on religious, ecclesiastical, or any other grounds. A.s tor tie Quaker, and such as he —supposing lie and I share tho same house, and a robber or aii enemy attack ns, why should I be called ujpon to do the fighting,'and he confine himself to praying for my success?" •