IF CIVIL WAR COMES

Dominion, Volume 7, Issue 2136, 30 April 1914, Page 5

IF CIVIL WAR COMES

IRISH CRISIS

WARNING BY M. BONAR LAW

PREMIER ON ARMY'S DUTY

Immense interest was aroused hy the discussion of tho vote of censure on the Government's Irish policy in the House of Commons on. March 19, and tho Houso was packed for hours awaiting tho speeches by tho party leaders. Every gallery wns full, and among tho Peers who watched tho sceno was Lord Stamfordham, the King's secretary. . Tho speeches of Mv. Bonar Law and Sir. Asquith were as follow:— Mr. Bonar Law: Wo have always hoped and believed that somo way of escape could be found from a tragedy, which,..if is occurred, would bo largely due to tho working of our party system. Jit.view of Mr. Churchill's speech at Bradford on Saturday, made at a critical time—a speech the spirit of which was understood quito as clearly in Ulster as by Liberals who so heartily cheered him when he came to the House on Mondoy—(Ministerial cheers)—and in view of tho expressed approval of that speech by Mr. Asquith—an approval not always given when asked for to ihe utterances of his colleagues—(Opposition clicors)—and in view of Mr. Asquith's own attitude on Monday, I am compelled to believe that tho situation to-day-is far more dangerous than it has ever been, and if a way of escape is to be found it will come from a source which I am unable to foresee.

The Conversations. Soon after tho first interview I had with Mr. Asquith' four months ago I gave an account of it to Lord Lansdowne. "When I wroto to him I expressed the belief iliat unless the way of peace wero found before Parliament met it would be difficult, if not impossible, to find it afterwards. Events have justified that fear. I am going o speak more frankly than I have- yot spoken of my own position. The accident which made mo leadi er of a party in this Houso has placed upon me responsibilities the weight of which I deeply feel. At one of the interventions I had, with Mr. Asquith I •fnrmwl the opinion, which I am sure is by Sir E. Carson, that he was exceedingly anxious to secure a peaceful solution. I said: , •' . , "I feel so strongly on the point myself that I should be prepared if we could think of any tolerable solution to tsko cereat risks to make that solution Effective."- (Opposition cheers.) I repeat that now. (Opposition cheers.) We all of us on this side aro opposed to Homo Rule in any form. (Opposition cheers.) There aro manv anion" our supporters both inside and outside the House—how many.l don't know— ■ who go further than Mr. Churchill when iio said that there are wore things than ■.bloodshed; they wero prepared to say there are worse things than civil war I can understand that feeling, but I don't- take that viow. : There may be. worso tilings than civil war, but I can hardly imagine anything worse—(Opposition cheers)—and personailv I should noveflr be a party to risk tlie lives-of bravo men for any political consideration whatever. (Opposition cheers.)

No, Pig jh a Poke. ' Wo have and will not shut the door hastily without reflecting upon any proposals put forward by the Government. . .'. .'■■ ... lie said that he was not going to do auythiug more than he has suggested unless there is agreement as to the principle. From whom docs he expect that agreement? Ho. does not, lam sure, expect it from the Opposition. We have stated clearly that wo cannot accept responsibility in any shape ofr any Hoiun Jlulc Bill. (Opposition cheers.) It is not from us that he can expect agreement. lam not going at a time like this to stand on any technical ground, however strong. If Ulster is satisfied and abandons tho determination to resist Home Rule, the whole position would bo changed, but our opposition ,to the Bill would remain. When the Prime Minister says there must bo an agreement in regard to the principle. 1 ask him, "What principle?'• (Opposition cheers.) I "ask the right lion, gejitlaman to give an answer to that question, not an answer of considered vagueness, but with precision, and, if he likes, with arrogant precision. (Opposition cheers and laughter.) Docs lie mean that Ulster or part of Ulster is not to be driven out of the Parliament which it, approves, and placed under a Nationalist Parliament which it abhors, against the will of tho people of Ulster? If that is the principle, wo have not resisted it; on the contrary, I assure thu right hon. gentleman now that wo accept it as tlici basis of discussion. (Opposition cheers.) But is that the position of Mr. Redmond? He said tho principle of the proposals is that the period of exclusion shall be fixed and definite and automatically come to an end after a period of six . years. (National cheers.) I ask Mr. Asquith to say clearly and definitely is that the principle to which ho asks an agreement? If not, there is no advantage in ambiguity on our part. (Opposition cbecrs.) I say at. once wo absolutely reject it. (Prolonged Opposition cheers.) If the people of Ulster continue their resistance, ythen I can only 'jay, so far as I. am entitled to speak /or tho Unionist Party, we will assist them in their resistance. (Opposition chee:s.) . . '

forcing Ulster In. Your case is that the country is behind you to-day. But you do not feel justified in forcing Ulster to conio in against their hostility to-day. If that is true, how can you. bo justified in forcing them to conio in against their hostility, to-morrow? (Opposition cheers.) They never thought such proposals could be accepted, and they aro put forward not to secure peaco, but as a. tactical manoeuvre in the party game. (Opposition cheers.) If the Gorerntneut can sitcced in preventing unconstitutional and armed resistance in Ulster by their proposals, well and good. 1. for one, should bo glad, but if they eauunt. then there is still a way of oscano open to them, and a way of eseapo which- in my belief they could takenot only without any sacrifice of principle, but without any loss of dignity.

Way of Esoaps, Tf tlie Government think it is not Tight to 'nave ' a general election for the reason that it would seem to bo a humiliation to run the risk of an election before they have got any fruits from tho Parliament Act, there is another alternative. They have suggested that this question should ho settled so far as Ulster is concerned by talcing tho opinion definitely on it of tho people of Ulster. If that is right for Ulster, it cannot be a very wrong method when applied to tho whole- of the doctors of tiio whole of tho United Kingdom. (Loud Opposition cheers.) I am going to make to the Government, on behalf of the Opposition—and I shall mako it as formally and as solemnly as I fan —an offer which I hope ho will not reject without at least some consideration. If he chooses to put his new suggestions into his Home itula Bill, and if he submits thoso suggestions to i«3 country by a referendum, and the country decides in favour of them, then I have the suthority of Lord

Lansdowne to say now that, so far as his influence in tho House of Lords goes, that body will offer no impediment to tho carrying out completely, without alteration and without delay, tho decision of the will of the people of this country. (Loud Opposition cheers and ironical Ministerial and" Nationalist cheers.) If h 0 refuses to tnke a course so easy and obvious it can only be because, iu the words of Mr. Churchill, he prefers that the question should be settled by bullets rather than by votes. (Opposition cheers.) If ho refuses lie will incur a terrible responsibility whicn ho must bear alone. It may bo true that thoro are worse things than bloodshed, but surely bloodshed is never justified if there is any other possible course—(loud Opposition cheers and counter Ministerial and Nationalist cheers) —and surely it is never justified unless you can sec as the result of your successful coorcitiu advantages which absolutely overwhelm tho loss of blood.

A New Poland. What advantages can you gain suppose you are successful 'i if it'were only a question of serious riots in Belfast,' though I think that would bo bad enough, you might go on; but that is not Jiis opinion. Ho himself told us that the danger is of civil strife. After coercion has been successful you will have added another and a terriblo chapter to tho long catalogue of bitter and indelible memories which havo been the curse of Ireland. (Opposition cheers and counter .Ministerial and Nationalist cheers.) Suppose you do succeed in bringing Ulster into tho Nationalist Parliament, as a conquered province, as a new Poland, what a prospect ia there for a united Ireland! (Unionist cheers.) And what about the Army? . if it is only a question of disorder, the Army will obey you, but if it is really a question of civil war then soldiers are citizens like the rest of us. (Unionist cheers and Ministerial cries of "No, no" and "Trade disputes."). The Army will be divided and you will destroy the force, such as it is, oir which we depend for tho defence of tlie country.. I Unionist cheers.) What about tho United Kingdom? I think it is quite true that at present, so far as I can see, outside Ulster, although tho feeling is very strong, there are no great masses of men on either sido who are willing to risk their lives in this causo as tlie people of Ulster are. But of this 1 ana sure: that if blood is shed in Ulster there will bo the same outburst of feeling here—(loud Unionist cheers) —as that which took place in the United States when the first shot was fired at Fort Sumter. There will be an outburst of feeling which will shake to its foundation the whole structure of the society of this country. (Loud Unionist cheers.) That really is the prospect, and if ho deliberately makes up his mind to risk that ,or if he allows himself to drift into a 'position in which he cannot avoid it, then I say this: that in my belief no •party triumph—and I think it will be a temporary triumph—will be wortli such a calamity to our country. (Loud and continued' Unionist cheers.)