The Dominion. WEDNESDAY, APRIL 15, 1914. REMAKING THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION

Dominion, Volume 7, Issue 2123, 15 April 1914, Page 6

The Dominion. WEDNESDAY, APRIL 15, 1914. REMAKING THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION

Now that the Home Rule Bill has passed through its second raiding, stage there has been a brief lull in the controversy, but the storm may btesk out again at any moment. Mb. AsqUhh ha;s been re-elected, and the whale English-speaking world is notv waiting for the detailed statement of bis intentions with regard to Ulster. He has already laid it down that Ireland must not be permanently dismembered., but ho has prortuspd that tie Government will make important concessions as the price of peace, . The Daily Chronicle's Parliamentary correspondent recently gave the following 'forecast. of the Government's probable offer of concessions to Ulster:—■

Control over education and licensing (tho police remain by the Bill under Ini-pm-ial control for eix yeaffi).

The Post QffioS to renittifl. uader Imperial, control. , r

A Board of Pfltronago, to ensure that all Pfiblid appointments shall be made on merit, iin.d not from sectarian motives.

The Ulster Werners in the first Piwliaraent to have a right to veto legislation inhaical to Ulster interests.

IWiftMSast I) later to be included, from the putsst, in tie doniaiu of the Irish Parliament, but t-q have an epiion of withth'ttwins f»m tlie sphere of its autboritj- hy b plcWseite in five.j'ears.

If, as is jjrobable, tho Oppositioji rtjeit this" offer, thy. Cfovernntent will proceed with their Bill. and. the suggmtkms embodying the "offer" will appear on a separate paper octowpanyipg' the Bill to the House of iordf.

What will be tho fate of the Bill in the House of Lords'! That is the nest question. If the Lords reject tho Btll it will still become law at the end of the session; hut such ottt> right rejection would nullify • the "suggestions", attached to the measure, as they require the asseafc of tho Lords to become effective. If the Bill itself is altered it cannot be put through under the Parliament Act, as it wouid then cease to- be identically the sanie measars it was when originally introduced. The Lords may on the other hand agree to the second reading, and then propose that Ulster should bis cut clean 0«t of the scheme, and tiie two Houses would probably enter into negotiations, with the object of arriving at some agreement. In any case, the two parties would know exactly where they stood.

It was recently announced that a number of Liberal members had tabkd amendments with the- object of bringing aboMt a settlemeiit on Federal lines. As sympathetic- references have been made by Ministers at various times to this method, the debates on these- amendments should prove very interesting. Beferring to this point while in Sydney a few drfys ago, EaSl Ghe* stated that federalism means the establishment of subordinate Parliaments, which would be entrusted- with powers of local self-government, delegated io them by a" central Federal Parliametitj in which the various parts of the United Kingdom would be fairly represented. . I-abl GttEV is personalty iii favour of giving the people of Ireland powers of local -self-gov-ernment, somewhat similar to those. enjoyed by tho self-governing provinces and States -of Canada and Australia. tTn-fortanatolv, hew* ever, tho Home Rule Bill lias not been constructed, on $uch linos as to enable it to form part of a general scheme of devolution, and aiiy reconstructipn of the mtasure. would remove it from the protection of tiio Parliament Act. But "to overthrow the present system of government and to bring itito existence an entirely brand new constitution, which will live for a few years only before it is again thrown over and destroyed to make way for a new federal constitution" does aot, to use the words of Earl Gnfcy, "look like statesmanship, but like the phmgc of &n embarrassed party." How can tho Bill be made into a federal measure? It is certainly a difficult problem. Whothe? the Government's proposals will mean .federal. J ism or not, Ma. Asquith's intention sflems to be to pass tho Bill as it ; stands, and then deal with the "concessions" in the foi-ra of a separate .amending measure. It is certainly a clumsy way of doing things. Tk< proper way would, of course, bo. in remodel the whole sdifirm% so as to make it the first; instalment of a compleifi-fedwal system, and Io ask the country to I'xpvp.m its approval by means of a referendum or gfn<>/'al election.

Whatever may happen with regard fi) Urn Home Rnlo BiJl, it is generally understood that n dissolution will iiiko place before the end of the present year.. The position of the Government is becoming more and more difficult, and it is almost impossible tor it to carry on .much longer. Rut, before the inevitable appeal lr> the country takes place, fch« Nonconformists hVsist wjjdji Welsh Disestablishi«6nt bsing placed on the Statute! Book, and'thc Irieh Nationalists detnancl that, the Homo Rule scheific must became law. After the final enactment of these t#o measures a

general election may lie expected at anytime. ~ Both parties recognise this," and ar« already waking their preparations for- one of the most momentous electoral battles in Die history of the United Kingdom. The question of abolishing plural voting nnd the proposed redistribution of scats will probably have to stand over for consideration by tho new Parliament, though both political parties are in favour of the latter reform. Tito, rejection of tho Government's Home llule concessions would probably precipitate a general election, as the Government realises the seriousness of the consequences of putting the. original scheme into operation, and Mn. Asquith and his colleagues would like to be in a position to w" t'v. electors that the Lords would not allow them to modify it in order to meet the demands or tho Ulstermen. The whole political situation is extremely complicated and full of uncertainty. Tho time is certainly ripe for na appeal to the people.