The Dominion. TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 1913. HOME RULE CONFERENCE.

Dominion, Volume 7, Issue 1868, 30 September 1913, Page 6

The Dominion. TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 1913. HOME RULE CONFERENCE.

6 , An offer "to go into conference ' with anybody" on the Home Eule question was made by Me. Birbell, tne Chief Secretary for Ireland, during the recent session of the Imperial Parliament] the Prime Min- ' ister admitted that the position was "very serious," and Me. Balfour ' asserted that the enforcement of the Home Eule scheme would result in , "a great national tragedy." Sir ! Edward Carson declared that the Irish Unionists did not intend to help ,tho House "to play out this pantomime," and soon _ afterwards he started on his campaign through . the country which has proved effective in convincing doubters that Ulstermen will resist to the uttermost any attempt to place them under the jurisdiction of a Dublin Parliament. All theso happenings point to a growing recognition of the necessity for the British Government to pause and revise its expressed opinions. The Bill cannot finally reach the Statute Book until May of next year, and in the meantime efforts are being made in various quarters to arrive at a settlement by consent in order to avert what is regarded as a threatened catastrophe. Lord Loreburn's recent appeal for a representative conference with the object of finding a solution of the problem which would be acceptable to all parties has attracted a good deal of attention, and it has even been suggested that tho King should intervene in order to bring the parties together. It is, however, generally felt that His Majesty ought not to be drawn in to the controversy, and now it is stated that Mr. James Bryce will probably act_ as mediator. The Nation, a well-informed Liberal weekly, announces that a conference is almost certain to be held, and makes the interesting suggestion that Ulster should have the option of becoming an Imperial province if it is not satisfied after giving Home Eule a'fair trial. There does not, however, appear to be much likelihood of the people of Ulster giving the scheme any trial at ,all, and it may be taken for granted that such a proposal has practically no chance of acceptance. —' _ Mr. Asqtjith still remains silent, but Mr. Ure, Lord Advocate for Scotland, states that Ministers are prepared to listen favourably to a proposal to give Ulster control of education and religion. This, of course, would be an important concession, though it is doubtful if a system of Homo Eule in which the Irish Parliament would have a different kind of jurisdiction in Ulster from that exorcised in other parts of the country could be permanent or satisfactory, and such_ a proposal would certainly 'meet with strong opposition from the Nationalists. According Eo Sir Edward Carson. Ulster is determined not to be ruled from Dublin, and Mr. Eedjiond is equally emphatic in the assertion that he would sooner not have Home Eule at all if Ulster is not included, These two positions are, of course, irreconcilable; but all hope of a solution has never been abandoned, and recent cablegrams indicate that there is a growing feeling that something must be done to reconcile the conflicting demands. With this object in view a ]rcmarkablo gathering was held at Cork on August 15, at which the principal Bpeaker was Mr. William O'Brien, the Independent Nationalist- Leader. He admitted that the odds against peace are almost desperate, lout he made an eloquent appeal to both parties to insist on a peaceful settlement "before the whirlwind was unloosed." He also declared that tho Home Eule Bill would be born to a life of poverty, waterlogged from its birth,' and would have as its first task to i coerce one-fourth of the population of Ireland without even the power of moving a single policeman. 1 It is only too easy to point out

tho difficulties and tho dangers of tho Government's Home Rule scheme; but it is quite another tiling to find a way out. So far no practical suggestion upon which a settlement by consent might be based seems to have made its appearance, and Lord Dunhaven's policy of the three C's—conciliation, conference, and consent —does not carry the problem very far towards its solution. It would, of course, bo a most significant step if Mn. Asquith consented to a conference, for he would place himself in a very awkward position if ho afterwards declined to remodel his Bill in _ accordance with the suggestions which the conference might make. Such suggestions to have any effect would require to provide for material changes and it would probably mean an en-

tirely new Bill, and Parliament would have to reconsider the whole question. No one could even pretend that tho new proposals had received the sanction of the people, and they could hardly be made law before the electors were consulted by means of a general election. A conference may arrive at a basis of settlement, but it cannot do away with the need of an appeal to the people in order that whatever agreement may be arrived at may receive their ratification. The mere fact that the various parties concerned should agree to meet in conference is a hopeful sign, as it at least indicates a disposition towards conciliation. Even if nothing definite is accomplished it will show what each side is prepared to and the points on which no concessions will be made. A cablegram received since the above was written states that Mb. Redmond declares that the Nationalists will go straight en, and have no intention of throwing the whole business int-o the melting pot._ He takes up an uncompromising attitude and if the conditions he lays down are adhered to the likelihood of the Conference resulting in a settlement by consent is very remote.