THE ARBITRATION COURT.

Dominion, Volume 5, Issue 1541, 10 September 1912, Page 4

THE ARBITRATION COURT.

AN IMPEACHMENT AND A DEFENCE. AN OI'EN I,ETTi:i!. TO OUf(. I'lilME JHNISTKIt AND XV.W iMlNlS'l'lllt FOIMiAHOI'R. (Hy courtesy of the Kditor.) lion, sir.—Tho problem of how to adjust "true relations" as between capital and labour, the employer and employee, under, existing circumstance-:, is the most perplexing of all social and ei'onoinio 'problems, fin ,, not only is it the most complex and varied in its character, but that it reaches farthest into the passions and motives of men's conduct, Throughout tho ages mini's innalo desire lor tho three, most potent possessions—woman, lands, power—gives eternal force to .Ihu universal struggle i'or that central media —gold—with which to secure possession of somu one. ur all of tlie?e. All classes and conditions of our social structure aro governed and moulded by this force, which has ever been basic in man's character. It is as. intense in tho daily wage-worker as in tlie "bloated capitalist, in the breast of the Socialist nnil Anarchist as of tho aristocrat, the only difference being that of the "have nots" and tho "haves"; it is as intense in. the ecclesiastic, say, Dr. Clibb (who ha.s been bravo and manly enough to measure himself with this issue), as with tho most .material worlding in our midst. It differs so entirely in its character as, say, from tho. political administration and development of our lauds, mines, public works, finance, justice, comm.erce, : education, etc., and yet so vitally interwoven in the warp and woof of all these that it may lie. clearly shown that tho solution of this world's problem is tho ■ "root issue" to which the. modern states-man'-must devote himself if he is to maintain power. That of itself is of little , moment, but if ho is' to lead his country in the van of the present Titanic struggle for world's industrial supremacy—and it heeds no prophet to foresee tlint that struggle daily increases and must intensify as tho years go by. The Teal material and social prosperity of this country rests absolutely not upon bogus or manufactured surpluses in the Treasury, but tho solution of "right relations" which shall exist in tho industrial production of the country. For this reason I congratulate you, sir, upon.tho wisdom of retaining the portfolio which relates to this problem, for if in theso parlous times, when the probity of our highest judges is challenged in the administration of equity in these matters, surely no less than tho Chief Commoner of the Dominion can havo real force to carry forward legislation which, to bo successful, must of necessity strike deep' into the passions and motives of all men and women in tho community, whether capitalists, captains of industry, or workers.

Permit me .to make passing reference to the ablb contribution by Dr. Gibb to this problem, not that he dug his paperknife one inch in depth into tho problem itself other than, to say that he believed in profit-sharing, mid cn-nperation would be the solution. With -a general strike on at Homo in a. great profit-sharing concern, and the failure of tho really noblo effort of Sir Furnace Withy to succeed in what was a self-contained production— that of ship-building for the company's own'use—and many other instances, must give pause. And however much many of ■ us may be looking in the same direction as the worthy doctor to do real .-eryipe, flic doctor or others must get down to "hard pan,'" and show by practical demonstration in detail, dealing with our varied industries and conditions, before such can be of rial practical service to either party involved, and iftost certainly before you, sir, could legislate upon any such premises. Yet tho issues involved were never more clearly put than by the summary of the doctor; the sentences sound so like "Kuskin" that I wonder if the doctor has secured Ruskin for his "Ifnhatma!"" However that may be, the doctot is worth quoting: ...;-"It is most difficult to say which.is the more earnestly to bo banned—the greed of l.ho 'haves' or the violence of the 'havo not?/ but this at any rate wns true, a fair result would bo attained only when all parties had a clearer vision of the principles which ought to determine what is fair and when there was less disposition on all sides to ssize undue advantages. A recognition of tho fact that principles of moral equity as well as of political economy were involved in these economic questions! with a readiness to search for what is just, and not i'or the utmost that could bo got, would go further than anythirtg else to eolvo difficulties and to heal strife."

I think, sir,, you will agree that the doctor provides you with the steam, not wet, saturated, low-pressure steam, but real dry, super-heated high-pressure. All that rou want, sir, as an engine driver is the engine. I'ermit me as a practical working mechanic to offer for your acceptance a steam engine, built especially to use in) the most, efficient manner .the doctor's' high quality of steam, and whose design is built upon those principles so clearly enunciated by tho doctor. As a. people we w.u only go forward by tho light of our pnst experience. What has that been?,, Can we impeach our Arbitration Court with failure? I think ivo can fairly do so. We took part in its creation and gave it 10 years of useful life. It began to show signs of decay about that time, and has ever since been on t'ha down-grade. Let mo say right here, thnt we have ever held the highest respect for , the jndenients of tho many Judges from Judges Williams to Sim, and also, to their associates. The failure of the Court arises not from any lack of ability, integrity, and desire to do the right thing by all concerned, nay, we do not hesitate to say that the desire and act of the Court has ever been to throw t|ie favour where possible to the side of Labour. Only fools and ignorant persons will question, say, tho honesty of purpose, or hu! ability to construe the aw 'by that much ill-abused person, Judge Sim. Vet that feeling is very widespread, and cannot be ignored, and must be met. The fault is not meant to' be personal, but it is realty organic in the construction of the Court, and the basis upon which parties may use, abuse, or ignore the Court and the Jaws inlended In deal with the,?e ever arising conflicting interests. ' '..

Twenty-five years ago tho then Minister for Education, 3lr. T. Hislop, in tho last so-called Conservative Administration, introduced the five famous Labour Bills, and your party, 3ir, now in power can fairly, and rightly lay claim to the introduction of the Labour measures in Parliament, .excepting the first Factory Bill by.tho laic -Air. Bradshaw. of Dunedin. O"n -leaving office the Minister left one draft Bill in the pigeon holes. It was the Conciliation Bill. When Mr. Bulla iico assumed office, the five real Labour members—l'inkerton, Kelly, Tanner, Buick, and Earnshaw—waited upon Mr. Ballanee to learn what would be his attitude towards the Labour measures introduced by the Into Conservative Government, as their attitude had teen very cold while in Opposition. Mr. Ballanee in reply to our challenge. • said, that he had to recognise the results of the elections, that tho measures would lie gone on with, and further, upon our insistent demand and price of support, he agreed to our proposition to create a Minister for Labour. n Labour Department, and Labour Bureau, to dp.nl with floating unemployment. Mr. Ballance made Mr. W. 1 , . lU'Cvcs Minister for Labour. The Minister look tho draft Bill of Mr. Hislop, added a little from the iSoutli Australian and Massachusetts Acts, and added the <-onipulsor.v clauses. Such, as yon know, sir, was the origin of the-Arbitration Act. lioth on the Labour Bills Committee, in private tnlk, and on the Hnor of the .lfou«e the Ciovcrnment at that early stage of tehir career showed a decided aversion to necept advice from the Labour members, , and Ihe inherent weakness of the measure mu«l be laid to that brilliant but utlerly inexperienced 'Minister in all that relates to the struggles between Capital and Labour, ond not to the judgment or intellect or experience of the then Labour member.-?.

Strange, Vet perfectly true, the Labour membeVs found Hint (heir stro-nojest supporter from both sides of the TCon?« wns the chairman of the l.ahnuv liill< Committee, a lr-uder of I he ("'ofisf-rvdf-tivf! parly, Kir Willinui Russell, sqiinlter. social pM. niul arii-locrat, and not cne whit behind uiiv Hi-called Liberal, (o secure (o I lie. worker a full and fair reward for hi« labour and right condiVioiH to work under. The Minister strongly desired lo appoint n petty magistrate to preside over Ihe Court.." lie was willing under pressure lo appoint a District Judge; and it was only the combined and persiste.nl pressure of the Labour members, with Hip liearty ecoperation of the Opposition, now jour

piirly, wr, in power, which secured In lh<> I'mirl. Ilio full Klaliitof a Supivnm Oiiuvl. Jmlgn us pn-idi'iil. Well, limkiiiK back over (lie yenrs which have gone by, who in Ihi-ir Mihi'i- M/lKes can deny lhi> fuel. Iliiil. but I'or Midi slntiis Iho innali' mmim' :iml leverencn of nil rinses of Iho enmnimiity to.tiliiml by lluv law, and within Hie l<iw, I lie grail, respect Ihe eiininiunily wis-cly hold their lilkli iudieiiliiro in. liiik misjniiied the lil'e mid imrpDH , nf Mich Court, in Ihe enrly diiys, when it whs all "|;nl, gel, gel," on (h<> side of Lulxinr. Only the higli rcilK'i'l; Hie coiinlry deservedly held lowiirds .liidpo Williams eiiiiH'd his decision In lie (|iiielly ngieed to. l.'nder any Ics presidency (here would most Mire'ly have been revolt. Notwithstanding (he g'ravn defect-; of tlie Court, it is ani:uing how lo.Viil Ihli been the Kfiwrul ol.'wli\'iht l« (be iiiiiHil»(<'s of tho Court. (Inly I'i'ols would contend (lull the winiw doeisions, if (hey luul been given by a petty magistral?, District Judge, or leading citizen, would havo been as loyally niul peacefully obeyed. Who for oni\ momoiit can contend that with our small communities, our provincial jealousies, the difl'cring circumstance-; of Hie country, Unit men with le«s sliitiK, men with linanein! in-tej-est.i and involvements, could have given Katisfae.tion? Who, in this city of Wellington, tftiil<l lie called upon to preside.' outside our high judiciary to whom personal motive could not. be ascribed, and most surely such' would he done, ri'ghly' or wrongly, by the disgruntled parties. And both parties will always be disgruntled. Both sides aro human, n.nd it isvery human to wish for more, however much ono may get. To givo satisfnrlion to both parties must ever be impossible. What can l;s aimed at, and we believe attained, is such a. tribunal thnt shall command, such high confidence of the community, that the squeal of the disgruntled will be ignored by the community, who will rest in the sure niul certain knowledge that justice will.be rendered, and, if not, Hint there is no other way, ami the ill mustibo borne with fortitude.

.IMPEACHMENT OF THE COURT. May m premise by faying that nothing can be further from our mind than to Bay anything unkind against any person concerned. Wo are simply and solely dealing with tho Court as a social and economic factor in the industrial world. 1. AVc contend thnt while it is vital that the president of tho Court must be a Supreme Court Judge, or ono given some such equal stains, one removed from tho sphere of the industrial and commercial struggling world, and nbsolutely,.above tho ,'menaco and malice of either contending factions, and. above all, from political or financial institutions' pressure. Yet to join with such a status two laymen, colleagues or associates, who are susceptible to every pressure and wind- that blows from their respective factions, who may and do address and inflame such factions to further notion, is absolutely fatal to the true dignity, force, and spirit of a Judicial tribunal. Tlie squabbling that must, and is known to, ensue between the opposing associates, the differing of laymen with a Judge, must have a marked deteriorating influence on the. Judge, and, looking : along ' the long lino of curious verdicts and maiiy strange decisions, it is easy to read into such decisions the Judge's desire to make pax between the associates with whom he has lo to travel, practically live with. Such a constituted Court does, on the very face of it, do violence to the national- respect for our Supreme Judicature.

2. The lowering of the position of president by the late continuous Ministry, allowing the position to bo used as a sten-ping-stone to the Bench, unquestionably lowered tho status of >the. Court, in the eye? of the industrial world, and to such an extent that rightly or wrongly expression has been freely given from both ■sides that Judges, even the present Judge, gave unpopular decisions and statements so as to. get removed to another sphere. Such was frequently said of Judge Chapman. Of course, nolhine could be further from the truth. Still, the. conduct of the Government lent colour to the charge. Then take the two associates.of the Judge: ono who was a wily, shrewd forceful man, who was a coaldealer, and had been a. contractor, to represent the whole field of the employing industry; tho other side, was one who soaped seams of clothes and handled a (latiron, to represent the wholo field of industrial workers. Tt was.'in tlie very nature of things impossible for the two associates to give the Judge any real assistance, for the very specific reason that be could construe the law bct(?r than they, that his practical, common sense and sagacity was not less than his associates', nnd of real knowledge of the technique and details of the industrial disputes before them, they were eminlly as ignorant as himself. Of the present Court, one was a tinker, (he other, I think, a clerk. What earthly use can they be to the judge when, say, carpenters, engineers, bootmakers, elc. or the many technical industries come before the Court, whose troubles rightly or ■wrongly rest in th« main upon a grasp of technical issues? It is inevitable that the two lay votes must rest on either side, nnd the judge must rest his casting vote upon tlie evidence brought before him, as though his'associates were not. . . Of course, the judge who under the strange and incomprehensible itinerary, and who (roes junkctting from end to end of the Dominion every month or so, would give you, sir, a good character for his two pals, for the sake of pax and pleasant company. 3. Snch a. Court, so constituted, inevitably requires a shoal of witnesses—[he moi'O the belter—one after another getting up. and giving rambling statements, often contradicting each other, and often evidence quito foreign to the issues. 4. Again, lake the peripatetic nature of the Court—rumbling all over the Dominion, now in Talmerston, off to liivercargill, back to Auckland, etc. My hat! Two-thirds their time wasted in gallivanting about; work behind everywhere; disputes hung up for mouths. Such fnrcicil conduct gives rise to the disgruntled feeling which has arisen all over the country over the Court's conduct of affairs. Then tho battle-dore and shuttlecock eame by the Court of what is conciliation and what is arbitration matter; the doublebanking of cases; the long delays; ihe entire lack of method, nnd the still more grave lack of any principles lo guido the Court in its decisions, which has caused the , position of skilled aiul unskilled Inborn , to be more inequitably recompensed than under the old free days when, overv man was for hiinfslf.

5. Among tho first decisions of the Court, Judge Williams, whose integrity and desiro is unquestioned, laid down tho strange and fatal decision that the Court would not fix any data or principle or lwint of value n.s a payment of unit of labour. We unhesitatingly say that such decision was falal to the true pnrpos'o and stability of the Court; that without such fixed point the whole, fabric of adjustment between the varied interests must get into confusion, which tlipv havo. The judge's decision that each case coining before tho Court would be decided on its merits led many unions to go continuously bejore the Court, and by their clamour and persistence get awards far and away beyond the just value of their labour, as valued by the general average rate of pay for the Dominion, while others who refrained were, most scurvily treated by the Court when they did apply. G. Take an illustration: Take the case of the Amalgamated Society of Engineers, and thnt of rough wharf labour. In the one case the standard of handicraft demanded is not excelled by any other industry—the rnlc of pay is Is. sd. por hour. In addition to the handicraft,'the. amount of foot pounds of energy'demanded of his body is not surpassed, if equalled, by the whnrf labourer, whose rato of par averages over 1?. "id. p?r hour, iinil bis rates of pav for extra work are ■greater than the skilled mechanic—blacksmith, moulder, patternmaker, etc. Conclusion.—We could extend the investigation to liny leivjlh .-mil at every nnint we could «how cause why we may fairly claim thnt the Court foil* to meet the ca , - 0 . Wo impeach tho Court: (I) Thnt is is wrongly constructed. (■2) That it has an inefficient grasp of the issues placed before it. (3) That it is cMl.lv, cniiibrous, and deadly slow ill it? vrovk. (4) Thru il? deciMoiis are not ba=ed upon «ny vflhw of "-kill or labour, bill upon Ihe liftppy inspiration ft I' Ihe moment, nr (lie unhappy digestion nf (he Jiidgf ,, * n«ocintr". (;1) Tlu( il-> c:iiil'.=(".|i;is|ed the majority of niiidir* lo revolt, and are not under ils governance, and who make war at their own sweet will and pleasure. (G) Thai it i< ullerly unable to enforce its decisions in tune of slre«. nnd hos nol tliu unifiilenco of Iho i country- .

THE IIEMEIJY. The great, dillieiillv which ever confronlß Iho leaders i.r men k l.lml; wlilli. Ibe.v live r.iimiilinlvd on nil j.iilcs by "Irnnoclasls." Mime ii|' Hii'lr own parly, nnd all of their opponent*--lew have Hie (eincril.v or foolishness (n offer a detailed solul i<lll I'm , (hut which they generally rail ,-i|!niint -and if Wμ were wi-,11 mill could profit, lit' experience we ought In do so, fur we, reinenilier when 11. |Ki!ilieiiin wlni iHiioliiriiius fur liN vituperation denounced us in most. I'legiuil, leriii.-i Ceil- pulilMiiii'' iiiiullier wii.y of ivforniiiiK the pcuplo's ilrinliini; habits tiiiin his sliiirl. euL-oIV prnpiiwil, with one minute nfli-nvanls two lending brewers polilely Inld us 111111 «•<« were, n d d sight worse than the fellow who had been oiir.-ing u.-i fniiii Dan l<. Jldlnhel.u. So much I'or daring lo publish (.pinions. "Vet my sincere desin, to hell) my iVllow-wnrk-er.H and yourself In a sohiliiiii of the problem of Ihe right; relationship and itbidiii" Knl.M'actory adjustment, friini - (imo lo liin« as between Ihe cvcr-ccmllicling js-siios lietwci'ii (.'«pita I nnd l.iibnur, mu-l. be my excuse for daring wliero your political iinp'ls fear to tread. '

1. Wo say, thai the Court must consist nf one person who is 11 Supreme Court Judge or wiili e<|mil status ami safeguards, and' that no other person, or persons are in any wny lo bo iitlached to sniuh. , Cnurt or .luiUe.; Hiat tho Court must; keep absolutely aloof from all contending parties. (It is. intolerable to think . of • assessors haranguing , unions nnd employers' federations, and then c'only silting";is assessors with ii Judge). II: outrage's , every principle upon which our forefathers wisely made the gap between the lay and judicial spheres of action. That" tlie. ,lmho or arbitrator shall alone consider tho evidences and deliver his judgments. This is in strict keeping with all the great struggles nt Home whero some arbitrator U called in to determino crucial issues. Such decisions sometimes fail to Fatisfy one or both parlies; that is inevitable where passions nnd human greed and wiffering conflict-, but tlierc is no other human way'that will givo more satisfactory results. The Judge needs not to know the technique, of industry oilier than-Hit) fiurdid monotony'and drudgery of enforced labour, or wliero Inbnnr ia working under foul conditions, or that of danger to lifo and limb, but he must know thoroughly law construction and have an infinite fund of common sense and human sagacity to see through the brick walls of both fiides, and tho less he knows df technique perhapi the better. 2. AVo say, advisedly, that tho lime has nrrived when for the safety of the SUIIO the progression of our industries, the general welfare of tho working world of our community.' "That every combination of workers or of employers must submit to tho lawful tribunals of the land for the settlement of their differences"; "that the right to combine must carry with it submission to the law." Yet such a tribunal, t> command universal approval, must bo so constituted that every phaso nnd condition of employment from any half-dozen who may form a union to the great combines of miners and transport workers shall receivo equal consideration nnd justice apart from their numerical strength or accumulated funds.

3. How can responsibility be secured from weak as well as strong organisations? i'or our purpose of argument, wo assume that-a nation rarely goes wrong, or, if so, there is no remedy, but the nation when sober can retrace its steps. So we contend that tho greater you can gather the -jombined wisdom, opinion and practical eagacity of both workers on the one hand, and employers upon the other, you will have stability and obedienco to decisions relating •to sectional points. When Parliament gavo the right to any s«ven persons to form a union, most surely we gave a Tight to use a Court without any real responsi•bilily, and wo well know it. Wo submit ■tint there aro only two ways of settling disputes—one within the law and one outside tho law. That the present, position, as at present here in the Dominion, and tho same applies 'to tho Motherland nnd Australia; that one small section of the community may at its own sweet will and pleasure injure the well-being 'of tho whole community to right its renl or fancied wrongs is intolerable, nnd cannot be justified by any moral 1 right or claim. The only right b'eiiig' that' of' force "Majure," careless of tho rights or sufferings of.others. W« 'submit that' to , all right-thinking persons tho thought must arise that for the safety, welfare, and happiness of the people of tho Dominion as a ; whole tho right to combine either on (ho part of employers or employees must carry with it the condition of obedienco to the law—less than this we submit comes within the region of anarchy. Abandoning all disguise, we say that, every union or combination of men and women for concerted action of any kind must be registered, anil come fully within the scope of such tribunals as the State may from time to time set up, with full jurisdiction over such combines or unions, and wo say advisedly, after mature consideration, that while such may bo a surrender apparently of that visionary fetish, "abstract liberty," we must never forget that all our civilisation is absolutely based upon the surrender of that same liberty. Take, for instance, tho right of road. We surrender tho "license" of such right to receivo the greater liberty and facility of night of way, and likewise any such surrender by unions would give in like manner to both contending sides, a greater privilege of safety and solution of much vexed issues. +. We say that "privilege demands responsibility." The labour world here and in tho Old. Country'is loudly declaring Hint the privilege of the land-owners demnnds corresponding responsibility. Wo heartily agree, and, further, urge that privilege of employers and employees demand-; like responsibilities to the law and orderliness of the country. Who, for instance, can for one moment contend that the unbridled liberty or license, as it may bo put, at, say, Waihi, can bo for the benefit of the persons involved or the community as a whole, or that any combination of employers shall lock out ot their own sweet will?

5. We therefore urge that all unions must by virtue of their registration join one Central Executive Council, that each distinct body of industry must elect one representative to such council, very small bodies to poor could be represented by some selected representative nominated by them. Such executive would have pernianeiit residenco in Wellington, where the Court would permanently sit. Tho unions throughout the country would elect, say, every threo years, representatives. Each union would by h-ny pay into the Central Executive, one-third of ils contribution until some fixed amount was attained, such moneys to be held in trust to each-union's trust account. The total executive fund to be lodged in tho Government bank, and to receive full current interest, but which could only be operated upon by order of the Court, such fund* to be liable to any judgment of the Court. '

G. Tho same procedure would apply to the employers' associations, but the amount lodged by tho employers under tho direction of the Court must never bt> less than the total sum of all tho labour unions. 7. This we submit would be a rjght anil proper way to provide (hat the financial sido of the judgments of the Court would Ik> promptly met. The present notion of extensive imprisonment for disobeying tho Court's mandate is impossible, farcical, unthinkable, and if attempted would only lead to violence. This suggestion is practical, reasonable, in no way irksomo, and would conserve the funds of tho unions, give stability to judgments, and would cause lwth sides to. pause Iwforn they rashly disobeyed tho Court. 'When any ri>piiti> arose in any part of the colony it would be the duty of (he district union to notify the central executive of snch arising dispute, its nature, etc. As the central executive would always Ik- in session, it would colleouvely consider the matter, and would no doubt be always largely guided by the expert representation of that particular trade or calling- If 'he executive and local trades councils failed k> settle disputes privately, the representative sitting on tho executive, joined with a. icpresenlntive. from the local district in depute and two (similar representatives from the- employers in like manner would fovm a Court, and possibly might, wilhoul going ticfor-f (he Judge, fettle ainiculilv their troubles; if not, they would .rij hrfoVe the .'lnd»c. lion- would be lour men who knew the alpha nnd mncga, »nil a H'l more, (ibiint the trouble, technique, ~o ; |>, ffllidilioii':, etc. And at lenM. Ihe 'national rcprccntalive* on either side would have eoiiiinaud of language lo briefly yet succ.iiilly slate the <a«e to the J nil!;*. -N'o witnesses would be required, except in very difficult cast's , . Nll lawyers need apply to g:> befogging and pettifogging around the issue.-. Cases which now take several days to drag through would only tnke »n hour nr two. When tho caso wbj fully presented to the Court

lie should Imvn llm power l.n adjmirn <Jir-Mi into n iniiliiiil fonHliiition Court, l'i fry mid roiim In conr:liikhum, ii|kiii miii'ir (minis wlifii they ciiimi iißiiin btfoi'ii liim in mi lupiir or two wil.li their com.ludioiis, li« would send Lli'im [lacking homo mill liihc limn lo rnn'-idrr flm stiiieim-iifji iif Imilli parties, his decision (') h<: rclrnnclivr,

7. It 11111-.I \,o wir-rvidfint Mint the Judgo could Im dealing willi mivit.il dispute* nl (Hire, mid llm .Imlgo still have N:isnrn Id (flliio Id r-siliii iiiiil judicial conclusions, mid iijmrl. from tlm wr-nri.'onin worry of having (o fight it nil over again willi bis confri-iTH us al. pnsent. JJt-11.fr than nil, ovi-ry iinicuiisl, wimlil fH Hud-, win or losi" nl. Court, In- Jiiid iiu intelligent rim for liis liioncy, anil Mich μ-iwj of lVc-liug goes a Uiiii! way to lu-al Ilio wounds of Minllict. While (lie wi>r!;-,vday world would linrdly know that disputiw weni pending. Surely tho limn lia» arrived wlic.n Ihft country ran takn higher ground than nt present, mid u|K)ii thn linos of principles bid down l,v Or. dill!..—l am, etc. WILLJA.MEAKXSIIAW, One of (.lift Ordinal 8 Lnlxmr Members. "Wellington, September 22.