SYNDICALISM AND SOCIALISM.

Dominion, Volume 5, Issue 1472, 21 June 1912, Page 6

SYNDICALISM AND SOCIALISM.

ADDRESS BV THE PRIMATE

"ONRUSH INTO ANARCHY."

THE CHURCH & THE LABOUR PROBLEM.

There was a very largo attendance at the Anglican Synod service at St. Paul's Cathedral, Dunedin, on June- 17.

Tho Primate (Dr. Nevill, Bishop of Dunedin),---was-- tho preacher, his subject being, "Socialism and Syndicalism." In view of tho importance of this question at the present time, and tho able and interesting manner in which it was handled by Dr. Jievill, it is surprising that no l report of the' address was sent out by the Pi-ess Association. Tho Primato said:

Amazement and apprehension are the terms whica~may be applied to tho attitude of a 'great part of tho civilised world to-day at the revelation, daily made more clear to us, of deep-seated antagonismsv'of; the-.existence of which we were hitherto" only' half conscious, and of determinations and schemes, the vicleneo of which xouso us to tho sail faqt that ,what. wo have been in tho habit of- calling ' industrial unrest means very far more ;than a want of harmonious co-opera-tion in the relations of employers and employed. . . . 1 want you as Christians in a Christian land to discover tho character of these movements and to recognise the issues, and whether,.member.! of unions or of-a federation -of masters; to-arrest as far,l as. you can the ill-considered onrush, into anarchy which promises to precipitate all alike into a common ruin. It is' mere, commonplace to hay that something/has gone wrong when wo vje-w'the conditions prevailing in the larger cities of to-duy—luxury on the one side, and starvation on the other. It is not enough to say that tin's is no new thing, the same conditions wers exhibited in ancient Pome: Yes, but Koine was then Pagan, ami Paganism knows no higher law than self-interest. It is because this Hell-in-spired l.an''haKouCp/.moTe: begun to.dominate the minds and conduct of men that we have, got back to. these old conditions. Christianity is. Socialism—the Socialism of Heaven reflected on earth. It is continually proclaiming: "Sirs, ye arc brethren!" and asking, -'Why'do ye wrong one to anotherr'"'

'•■■ True Solidarity. - St. Paul a'/firmed-the-true solidarity of mankind wheii .he directed "Hie; Christian brotherhood; of; his- day .to "icok not every man on)'his own things, but eveiy man also on the- things of others," ami again "the members' should have the same, caro one for'another; and whether one member suffer'.,all.'the members suffer with it." These are the -words, which ought to ho They, aro'not platitudes, .ihes;;'nrc--'the;.jtleclaration;.pf fundamental, truth,v'-jßiit-'onie -will, say.• "Christianity is too, 1 ' traii.s<;endental. .for present workaday iieeds;-:-At' ; all'events; i ,we can't wait for its application- '•'.'Wis "are engaged in war, one'side or, other-must come off victorious,' and then': there will bo peace!" But the'.' Church calls for an armistice, for pause, for considera-. tion; she 'wants no overthrow of one Bide .or tho other; and, by a Divino instinct, as well as by her experience, she knoivs..that the defeat,of one side in the economic warfare means the ruin of both.

.. '.", . Whether it. be', in (lis department of production or of distribution or consumption the principle of equality <'f exchange should "fine :place; the difficulty, of course, lies in' the definition of {hat equality; that is, Jiow much should the man who give's- a day's labour receive from the','!man.'*or /company which has inoney to give in exchange? The question of„'lio\v.'iuuch.'is a fair exchange is, of/course, constantly fluctuating, through the, changes in economic conditions, but the/ point.nvhich I; wish to insist on'is that ifc should always be capable of definition by-... brotherly and trustful negotiations on both .sides, and that the enforcement of the opinions of one often, in.■;much ignorance, of the facts of the', case, is-'top much like' the primitive man rushing on his fellow with a club because he imagined himself to have belli wronged.

Brute Force. ' i strike is therefore not merely an anachronism, being a return to bruto force without regard to the suffering it entails, but is in defiance of the true prin-ciples-of trade,'as well as of Christianity; But leaders,and members of trade unions would, of course, reply: "Wb resort to thrs-as-our only defence against the greed of .employers. There is no equality of exchange, the capitalist gets more than n fair share!" ' Very well, then, if there bo reason to suspect that this is so, recourse jho.uld bo'--ha.tl to...the, Arbitration Acts .which exist-i'br the purpose of-making-duo inquiries .uiul{ fair'.adjustments in' such questions; but it is of tho essence of such inquiries and decisions that both sides niiist abide by the award. . . . .Socialism -has now a technical meaning; and the ;,word ,is-. understood (o stand for a schcino which contemplates that all the iineans of production and all the instru:mentalities of distribution should be the property of the State, and be managed by, the State as the one great business concern of the, whole country. It does : 3iot very clearly appear how the people 'generally -are to be benefited by such an extraordinary monopoly, but (his kind of ■wholesale and universal remedy for recognised difficulties ;has. a fascination for tome minds. The magnitude of the idea transports them beyond the consideration of its impossibility, or the probably gigantic evils which would grow-up with it if it were possible. Tho whole population of the country would necessarily, in tho Case supposed, bo divided between employers and employed, since tho management of all that is covered by. the word production, and the manufacture of all tho instruments necessary for production and the control of all instrumentalities of distribution would mean whole armies of subordinates under the authority of the Government, for (he members of. the .Cabinet would be the masters of the workers, and it is difficult to see where any independent element in the population could be found to arbitrate between them in the adjustment of wages or other matters. It ■may be said that" the people's representatives would see that justice was done to the people, but the people's liberties themselves would be endangered, because tho representatives who supported tho Government would themselves become interested .in the Government's, business and interests. It is l?ss necessary, however, for me to explore the dangers and fallacies of- Socialism, since the common sense of the community seems to have pronounced against it, and the scheme may perhaps be relegated to the faddism of the. visionary or to the repertoire of the. extremist; it is, at least, not a present danger. Sense of ■Hardship, But still there is unrest, and if wo look-beyond our own border at the rato of wages paid in some industries in Great Britain and other countries, and at tho very largo fortunes built up by some in perhaps half a lifetime, wc feel that tho conviction of disproportion is not with-out-justifiration.- I have no doubt that the rapid change from individual to company or collective trading is in no small measure vcsiransibie for this sense of hardship. A company is said to have no soul. The pressure of shareholders for largo dividends may lead managers to take advantage of the necessity of the employed, and so to exploit the defenceless, f. do not suppose that the shareholders are often conscious of. ..this,.but <thev probably make ho inquiries about it, and so the thing goes on,.and in the pressure of larie populations "goes from bad to worse. Workers get hopeless,-and,-see-ing no prospects of remedy nor sign of sympathy, become desperate .and revolutionary. In such a mood they will not look 'at reasonable proposals; they regard them as only momentary, concessions, made to allav a temporary excitement. They cry for'the overthrow of the whole »vs'tem, "like the maddened populace in tho French Involution. They argue that if-there is a general conflagration, tjiey will arise, phoenix-like, out of the asheS. This is tho underlying idea of what has come to lie known as Syndicafism, for it W- bv first precipitating a general ruin Mint certain-visionaries propose to possess Miemsolves of all tho materials and all the •'ijitriiiiiontalities made use of in all thn •ji'.'liistrTos and trades which are carried "u.. Jl'lii'V demand a strike which shall bo universal of all the workers in all modes

!•■• ufoduction and in all moans of trans- «•— %./-*-i then, in the.general catacly3m t

to' seize adl these materials and instrumentalitieii and use them for themselves. They propose to do this by tho instrumentality <u the separate union, or syndicate, whie.li presides over each distinctive trado or industry, and this for tho benefit of the members of that union and not for the world .at Itirge.

I Intended to be World-Wide. J There is hvro no question of exchange lor balancing of wages and profits. One side of that oi'd-fashioned compact is simply to be destroyed; capital is to bo . transferred to Aabour so that thero will lie .no need to pa--;r "wages, because capital and labour will be one. This is syndicalism, and I do net ihink that 1 am improperly describirjg it, because I have carofuMy read the statements of its promoters both in Enjtlisr.h and colonial newspapers. Tho cablegrams received from England from day Do day tell us of tho efforts now being made to secure this universal strike- anions, all classes of workers a-t the same time, so that, tho production: and'distribution, even of tho necessities- of life, may be stopped. Hence the coal-miners' strilre, which would 6top manufactures, and the dockers' strike, which would prevent the landing of our wools and frozen mea.t and fruits; and that this attempt is imended to be worldwide will appear if .!'. quote from tho constitution of the i'edoration of Labour adopted in Wellington n-n the 3rd of this present month. It is therein stated that "the working class and the employing class ■ have nothing in common. . . .' lie", tween. these two classes- a struggle must go on until tho workers of the world organise- as a class, take possession of tho earth and the machinery of production, and abolish- the wago sfstcni." And, again, "instead of Oie Comwvn.tive motto: 'A fair day's wages for a fair day's work,' our watchword, is the abolition of tho wago system. _ Tho army of production must be organised, not only for the everyday struggle with, capitalists, but also to carry on production when capitalism shall'"have'been overthrown.'" Thero could hardly be a clearer staranont of the objects of this movement, or of tho condition of mind which actuates it. It is not brotherhood, it is enmity! It is very,iar indeed from loving your neighbour as yourself, as the Great TJniter of all human society has taught. Par, too, from.that teaching of His servant which I have quoted: "Look not cv«ry man on his own things alontv." Par, too, from the basic principle of political economy, which- contemplates the whole social organism, .not the half of it. I'ar from the very; rudiments of morality, because it inducts confiscation, and far from all hope of success, .however much mischiet and suffering it may causo by its violence, because whatever its incentives it is intrinsically absurd. King Canute forbidding the 'advance of tliie tide was not more absurd than this ordering of all natural economic law to cease

"I Speak to the V.forkinp; Man." I make no apology for my subject as addressed to the representatives of a church, for it- is the function of the Church on- its earthward sido to bring

down from God the new, heavens and the new earth wherein dwellcth righteousness, and we must understand! our mission.

In- tho opening words of this address I claimed that the Church Was neither apathetic nor unsympathetic as to social questions, but, on the contrary, that she seeks ever, and seeks earnestly, to discharge her task. She cannot compel, she. can only speak, but speak she does and will, with an -echo of the voice of God. She sneaks not to- one class, but to all. If I am her mouthpiece hero to-night, I speak to her members with a voico of authority, and say a "Let brotherly love continue." Xe arc the children of the God of Love, and "-one- is your Master, even. Christ, and all ye are brethren." In your industrial or commercial or political life, therefore,. remember that we "are all one body in Him." I Speak to the working man, and say: "Yes, you ought to have opportunity to work, but if you do not find that opportunity is it not largely because enterprises and industries which would afford it lie unexplored because of the fears which the action of your leaders have excited?" lam convinced that this country is depleted of much wealth, which might'be distributed among all classes'by this mistaken, if not tyrannical action, of your,leaders, and I. '.think the entire surrender of individual judgment and feeling to a sort of cabinet among the workers is as injurious to our social welfare- as the same extreme on tho national scale is disastrous to our highest political interests; an oligarchy usuallv becomes a self-seeking tyranny. There should be more direct intercourse and confidence between n.astors and men, and no artificial lino between them. In such, a land as ours it is not-difficult to pass from one rank into the other, so I sayto working men, do not separate yourselves widely nor consider your interests diverse, for they are not really so. I speak, to-night to young men, synodsmen, members of brotherhoods, and I say the social conditions of the future, under God, are laraelv in your hands. Take care, then, that that future shall bo ashamed of this present as a momentary relapse into barbarism—take, care that that future shall find the way, through your faithfulness and zeal, to apply to human society Christ's law of security and peace.