GERMAN ELECTIONS.

Dominion, Volume 5, Issue 1344, 23 January 1912, Page 5

GERMAN ELECTIONS.

. 4 PARTY GAINS AND LOSSES, Bj Tcltetaph-Prejs Asaoelalifln-CaDjrichl Berlin, January 21. The second ballots for the Kcichstag election resultod in tho election of nine Conservatives .mil .-iX of the Imperial Party (including the Pan-Gorman, Horr Liebert), twenty National Liberals (including Herr IJas<x\rm<mn, Dr. .Tiinek, and Dr. Pasichc), seventeen Radicals (People's Parly), eight Social Democrats, and seven of the ('outre Party. The latter Rained two and lost five seats; the 'Socialists gained eight and lost five; the National Liberals gained ten and lost six. Count von Jfoltke, of the Imperial Party, and a former Prussian Minister for the Interior, was defeated. HOW GERMANY IS GOVERNED. THE SUPREME AUTHORITY. "Despite universal franchise, the German Empire is not a democracy (says a writer in the "Hound Table"). The Keichstag is . the least important of the two Houses of tho German Parliament. Speaking generally, it can only accept or reject projects sent to 'it for consideration by the Upper House, the Bundesrat. Tho Bundesrat is not a house of peers, it is a diplomatic body representing the governments—all of them autocratic in character compared with .Anglo-Saxon governments—of the States of Germany. In the Bundesrat, Prussia is practically supreme, because in fact it always initiates proposals, and because it can veto the proposals ol' others. In Prussia the electoral system is such that it. gives almost complete power to tho Junkers, the conservative squireens of the centre and east, aud under the three-class system of voting, nothing, save their own consent or revolution, can deprive them of their power. And, because Prussia controls the Umpire, tho agrarian and conservative classes also control the national affairs of Germanyi "Neither iii Prussia nor Germany, however, is there a, cabinet responsible to a parliamentary majority. The Chancellor and the first Prussian Minister, wbp is always the same, is appointed by the Kaiser. He is, as a rule, a person acceptable to the Kaiser, the burraucracy, and the leaders of tho more conservative parties. Constitutionally he cannot be turned ont of office by an adverse vote, though, if the assembly made up its mind to do so, it could force him to resign, aud might even control the appointment of his successor. But the majority never wishes to bring things to a crisis because the privileged position of the Junker, and the inordinately high protection enjoyed by the agricultural classes are all bound up with tho present system of government. "The government of Germany, therefore, rests on an understanding between the agrarian representatives and the higher official classes This system produces a number of bad effects.' It means that Germany never has a change of government. Tho Emperor may drop one Chancellor through an oubliette if his policy becomes too unpopular, but the real government—the combination of the agrarians and the bureaucracy— goes on undisturbed. And this leads to government by intrigue to an extent which is incredible to, Anglo-Saxon communities. All the great interests—manufacturing and finan-cial-have to intrigue with 'the bureaucracy because they cannot protect their interests by ordinary parliamentary means. And thn bureaucracy intrigues endlessly for place and power within itself. In countries under the parliamentary system power goes to tboso who can command the confidence of Parliament or the electorate. But where the civil service rules power goes with nomination and nominations are best obtained bv canvass and pull behind tli<3 soene. ,J