GERMANY AND PEACE.
A REMARKABLE SPEECH. CHANCELLOR HAS NO FAITH IN PAPER TREATIES. AGREEMENT WITH BRITAIN. By Telegraph-Press Association-Copyrtelit (Rec. March 31,10.10 p.m.) Berlin, March 31. An important statement of the German attitude towards international arbitration, disarmament, and poaco proposals generally has been made in tho Reichstag by the Imperial Chancellor, Herr von Betbmann Hollweg. During the debate on the Imperial Chancellor's Estimates, tho Chancellor, speaking in allusion to the projected unlimited arbitration treaty between Great Britain and tho United States, said universal arbitration was as impracticable as universal disarmament.
Disarmament. Referring to tlio proposal of tho Social Democratic party that he should initiate a general limitation of armaments, Herr von Bcthmaim Hollweg argued that Germany had studied tho question and was unable to find a suitable formula. Nor was ho awaro that others had been more successful.
The time when European wars could In made by Cabinets was past. Wars could now only arise whore antagonism had its root in popular sentiment, which was very susceptible to an influence like that of tho irresponsible agitations of the press. If, by international effort, they could create a count'Cipoiso to such influences, ho would icjoice. But a definite programme of disarmament ivas another question, and, just as indefinite hazy proposals were calculated to disturb instead of promote peace, any scheme for settling tho strength of nations in accordance with a sort of precedence list and arithmetically according to areas of influence was bound to fail. • The Roles of the Powers. Somebody, continued the Chancellor, may say that the rank of precodenco has already been fulfilled. England is convinced, and has repeatedly declared, that, notwithstanding all her wishes for the limitation of armaments and international arbitration, her fleet must, under all circumstances, bo a match for, or superior to, any possible combination in the world. She is entitled to aim at that, but it is quite a different matter to work such a claim into the basis of an agreement which by peaceful assent is to bo accepted .by other Powers. What if counter-claims are raised, and if Powers unsatisfied with tho respective roles assigned to them similarly attempt to fix the strength of their armies? A solution was not practicable, and tho greatest obstacle was tho question of control. Hcrr Hollwcg then instanced Napoleon's attempt to limit Prussia's Army to 42,000 men.
Shipbuilding Information. Referring to the suggestion of the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, on March 14, that Great Britain and Germany should exchange information regarding-' their- shipbuilding programmes in order to pr'cv'ehij surprises, the Chancellor remarked that Germany had been able to fall in with the idea all tho sooner, inasmuch that her shipbuilding programme was always laid open, and she had,, therefore, declared her readiness to .come to an agreement with England on the matter. It was hoped and expected that a calming of ' public opinion in England would follow this arrangement.
"Would Burn Like Tinder." An unrestricted arbitration treaty, such as Mr. Taft and Sir Edward Grey suggested, would simply put tho seal on tho state of things already existing de facto. "Let the situation change and let antagonisms touching vital interests arise," declared the Chancellor, "and then I would like to see tho arbitration treaty that would not burn like tinder!" Tho speaker concluded by emphasising that Germany held a strategically exposed position, and had need of constant readiness in remembering that poaceablencss depended upon strength.
AN ANGLO-GERMAN UNDER. STANDING.
WHAT WOULD ITS PBICB BE? In his speech in the Navy debate in the House of Commons on March 14, Sir Edward Grey referred to the friendly expressions of the German Chancellor, Herr von Bethmann Hollweg, in De cember, and said Great Britain desired cordial relations with Germany, subject to tho stipulation that when they made a friendship . they carried with them their existing friendships. Some thought tho growth of armaments would lead to war, but it was more likely to end by a revolt of the masses against tho taxation necessary.. The suggested agreement with Germauy required careful handling, inasmuch as (he German fleet law must be executed. A better plan would be a frank exchange of information to prevent surprises.
Writing on the prospects of AngloGerman understanding in the January "Contemporary ISeview," Dr. J. E. Dillon, the well-known writer on foreign affairs, said:—"Tho evidence of a friend of Germany, who is also an ardent champion of peace, will bo welcome to all who are desirous of knowing exactly how things really stand and what we havo to be prepared for in this country. And the evidence of Sir Harry Johnston is precisely of this kind. Re visited the Fatherland recently, came much in contact with prominent politicians there, with captains of industry, merchant princes, leaders of commerce, experienced bureaucrats, and gallant officers. He questioned them freely, and was frankly answered. Ho was especially keen on tho subject of staying the raco for naval supremacy, respecting which wo had been repeatedly assured that, whatever the German Government might plan, tho people wero strongly in favour of regulating progress and slowing down.
"There is no chance, Sir Harry Johnston thinks, of an understanding with Germany unless Great Britain is ready to pay for it. And tho price, or rather tho first instalment of the price, is exorbitant. Great Britain must enter into a compact by which she will recognise Germany as the protectress or the predominant partner of the Netherlands, together with all Hie oversea possessions of that little State, of the Balkan Teninsula, and of the Ottoman Empire. The Germans, says Sir Harry Johnston, 'proposo as their theatre of political iniluence, commercial expansion, and agricultural experiments, (ho undeveloped lands of the Balkan Peninsula, of Asia Minor, and of Mesopotamia, down even to tho mouth of tho Euphrates. They might be willing, in agreement with the rest of the world, to create an Eastern Belgium in Syria-Palestine—|>?rhaps a Jewish Slate—which, merely by the fact of its being charged with the safe keeping of the holy places of Christianity, would quite possibly become undenominiitionally Christian. A Turkish Sultanate might continue to exist in Asia Minor, just as (here will probably be for centuries 11 King or Queen of the Netherlands, of Austria-Hungary. Bohemia, Bulgaria, and Rumania; but German influence at Constantinople woukl become supreme, whether or not it was under tho black, white, and red fiau or under the Crescent and Star ensign of .Bizaniiunu'
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Dominion, Volume 4, Issue 1091, 1 April 1911, Page 5
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1,069GERMANY AND PEACE. Dominion, Volume 4, Issue 1091, 1 April 1911, Page 5
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