The Dominion. SATUEDAY, NOVEMBEB 19, 1910. THE BRITISH CRISIS.
To lovers of the dramatic in politics—and they aro the vast majority of mankind—thoro lias not for many years been provided a richer feast than the course of events since the introduction of Me. Lloyd-Geoeqe's 1909 Budget eighteen arid a half months ago. But bo.those who are historically minded, and who have over two thousand years of recorded development to teach them how ruinous is the cost of sudden revolutionary changes, the present situation in Britain is matter for great concern. For our own part, we feel pretty certain that the cautious conservatism of the Anglo-Saxon min'd will in tho long run safeguard the British Throne and the British Constitution against the wave of Jacobinism which, by a strange irony of fortune, is being directed, or at any rate left unimpeded, by the disciple of . Gladstone and Cobden. At the same time he would bo foolish who would overlook the peril to Britain in Me. Asqu.ith's dependence, for the preservation of Free-trade, upon a colleague whose delight it is to stir up in the ignorant a hatred of settled conditions, upon a party whoso loader has just threatened the Grown with the melting-pot that ho wishes for the coronets, and upon another party whose leader has just returned from America as the associate of the dynamiter who has devoted his life to the cultivation of treason and outrago against the Government and the cities of the Kino.
Disturbing as such a situation must bo .to all loyal citizens at this end of the King's dominions, it must bo infinitely more hard and distressing to the peop/e'on the field of battle. Our cable messages tell us of a people torn in two: the Radicals, fighting under the banner of Liberalism, are striving to effect a revolution, while the Unionists, instead of concentrating their attention upon the preservation of the Constitution, are fighting hard for tho triumph of a policy of Tariff Reform. For the present, the tide of battle is. setting against the Radicals, and this is a matter for rejoicing. When the House rose, early in August, the Government had done no more than introduce its Bill. for tho practical abolition of bi-cameral government. Nothing has occurred sinco then to warrant the' Government's adoption of any other course than the continuance of tho session as if it had not been interrupted by the death of Kino Edwahd. By the decision of Lord Lansdowne and his colleagues to call upon the Government to pro-
ceed with its Parliament Bill, the plan for an immediate dissolution has been rendered futile. The Government has already seen tho impossibility of the plea that an immediate clcction is justified by the failure of a Conference that was established only because a temporary twice was desirable for reasons apart from tho quarrel between the parties. Lord Crewe has produced the Bill, but he has declared that the Government will refuse to accept any amendment. The Government cannot act, however—unless Mb. Redmond or tho Labour party hurls it from office until the House of Commons receives the Bill from the Lords. Lord Lajjsdowne has announced that the Unionist party has perfected its scheme for the reform of the Upper House, and we may therefore expect that while the lladical press is shouting about "the mandate" of January the Bill will be completely transformed.
Since it is under the thumb of Mr. Eedmond, and, to a lesser degree, dependent upon the Labour party, the_ Government cannot accept anything less than the original Bill and live. Lord Laksdowne has referred to tho referendum as an element in his party's solution of the problem, and Mr. Balfour, in his eagerly-awaited Nottingham speech, whicli is reported to-day, has apparently adopted the referendum idea. At tho timo of writing we havo received no advice as to Mr. Asquith's promised announcement, and it is .impossible even to conjecture what he has to say. .Although tilo difficulties oi iiis position iiaye fcMbped in \mn a proficiency in ttvat is \JondeT and (admiration of all students of politics, it is wuUke\y that, vath the eye of Mr. Rbbmosd fixed upon him, and with Mr. - Lloyd-George established as tho champion of- all the forccs of impetuosity, disorder, and ignorance, he can make any announcement that will look )ilro a tcadiness to give a candid consideration to the Unionist party's plan to. reform the House of Lords. Of one thing, however, we may feel quite certain: the colleague of Gladstone, and the colleague of the great author of the Life of Cohdcn, will I not lend himself to anything that even has the appearance of forcing the Crown to depart from its traditional indifference to party quarrels over ephemeral policies.' To save Free-trade, Mr. Asquith will go a long way, : and rightly, but is the danger to Free-trade so great that its chief guardian ■ must take his sailings orders from Mr. Redmond 1 One need not have any love for the House of Lords a-s it is at present constituted in order to feel glad that the tactical advantage of Lord Lansdowne promises a triumph, in the electorate, of Upper House reform over single-Chamber ■ government. '
Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi
https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/DOM19101119.2.17
Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka
Dominion, Volume 4, Issue 978, 19 November 1910, Page 4
Word count
Tapeke kupu
867The Dominion. SATUEDAY, NOVEMBEB 19, 1910. THE BRITISH CRISIS. Dominion, Volume 4, Issue 978, 19 November 1910, Page 4
Using this item
Te whakamahi i tēnei tūemi
Stuff Ltd is the copyright owner for the Dominion. You can reproduce in-copyright material from this newspaper for non-commercial use under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International licence (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0). This newspaper is not available for commercial use without the consent of Stuff Ltd. For advice on reproduction of out-of-copyright material from this newspaper, please refer to the Copyright guide.