Bay of Plenty Beacon Published Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays. FRIDAY, MARCH 14. 1947 ALL-INDIAN GOVERNMENT

Bay of Plenty Beacon, Volume 11, Issue 5, 14 March 1947, Page 4

Bay of Plenty Beacon Published Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays. FRIDAY, MARCH 14. 1947 ALL-INDIAN GOVERNMENT

THE assumption of power by an all-Indian Administration is a development of first-class importance in the history of both the British Empire and India. It may well portend the end of India’s direct association with the Empire. But for the time being the establishment of the all-Indian regime is of interest as a step in the implementation of the plan devised by the British Cabinet Mission by which it is hoped India will attain complete independence and self-govern-ment. The fact that Mr Nehru’s Cabinet has assumed power does not mean that the British Raj has abdicated from Indian affairs. What has been established is an interim Government that will administer the affairs of India under the Viceroy until such time as an Indian constitution has been formulated. When India has a constitution that offers adequate protection to all to whom Britain has responsibilities, then will Britain hand over her charge to a completely independent Indian Government. Thus, Mr Nehru’s Government represents no more than a step ahead. It does represent progress in the procession to Indian independence, since the interim Government expresses, a degree of willingness on the part of important Indians to work with Britain in the transition process. Outstanding among these Indians is the pupil of Mahatma Gandhi, Mr Nehru, who has become Prime Minister of the interim Government. Some say that Mr Nehru’s co-operation is animated by a burning desire to speed the departure of the British from India. Judging by his history there is little reason to doubt this. But at least it is somethin accomplished that Mr Nehru is ready to undertake a share of responsibility for giving practical form to what he is credited with desiring so ardently. However, Mr Nehru has a very great deal more ahead of him than merely to head the Cabinet of Indians who are now charged with responsibility for the admiinstration of India. His major task is to so order things that India can proceed with the work of making its constitution. The constitution-mak-ing machinery proposed by the British Cabinet mission provides for a constituent assembly, members of which would

be elected by the provincial legislature. But the rub here, as far as Mr Nehru is concerned, is that it is difficult to see how the constituent assembly can function at all if India’s second political party, the Moslem League, stays away. The British Cabinet mission’s plan allocates 78 seats in the constituent assembly of 385 to Moslems, and the provincial Governments entitled to nominate these members are almost entirely committed to the Moslem League. Thus, if the Moslem League decided to boycott the constituent assembly it would be fantastic and unworkable for a constituent assembly minus the Moslems to formulate a. constitution for an Indian union. It is true that Mr Nehru has Moslem members in his Cabinet, but this feature is quite meaningless so far as Moslem participation in the constituent assembly goes. The determining word in this respect lies with the League and Mr Jinnah. Thus, Mr Nehru’s main task as Prime Minister of India’s interim Government is to come to terms with the Moslem League before the next positive step towards achieving Indian independence can be taken. By all the signs, this will tax to the maximum every scrap of statesmanship Mr Nehru possesses.