MR MONTGOMERY

Akaroa Mail and Banks Peninsula Advertiser, Volume VI, Issue 559, 22 November 1881, Page 2

MR MONTGOMERY

AT THE I ODDFELLOWS' HALL, AKAROA. «. Mr Montgomery addressed a meeting of the electors at the Oddfellows' Hall last night. His Worship the Mayor occupied the uhair, and briefly intioduced Mr Montgomery. Mr Montgomery, who was received with cheers, on rising, said that he had come before them to give an account of what he had done during the past session, and what was his opinion on matters in the future. The Railway, being a local matter, would be the first thing lie would speak of. They were aware it had been finished as far as Wascoe's, or some 17 miles from Lincoln. He had known how desirable it was to continue it to Little River, and with that object had waited on the Premier and urged the necessity of the work, and also showed how he thought the money could be found to do it. A letter he had written on the matter had appeared in the Akaroa Mail. He regretted money had not been voted to carry the line to Little River, as he believed it would have been of great service to that place, and also to the district generally. However, when the Government brought down the estimates it was childish to hope to get more, so he had to be contented with £16,000, which would pay for work in progress, and leave enough to carry the line some 2£ miles past Wascoe's, or 19£ miles in all. It had been urged by some that it would be better to carry the line to Lake Forsyth, where timber could be brought to it; but it appeared that many people were of opinion it would better to force on the line as far as it would go on its way to Little River. The County Council had passed a resolution to this effect, so ho telegraphed to Mr Blair, and received a reply intimating that he had better see the Premier on the subject. As Mr Hall had been so busy he had not had an opportunity of: seeing him, but he had written to him, asking him to give instructions to have the line carried on as far towards Little River as possible. He had as yet received no answer, but when the reply came he would forward it to the local paper.

The High School Bill was another local matter. People here required to have opportunities for higher education furnished them, and there were few rich enough to send their children to Christchurch. He had therefore got the Bill passed, by which a present income of £163 per annum was secured to Akaroa, with a good prospect of increasing revenue in the future. With the addition of fees, he thought this £163 would be sufficient to induce an educated man to take the position of master to a school of some 20 or 30 children, and for the present a building could be rented. Of course all these were matters for the Board ot Governors to consider. At any rate, by getting the reserves for this purpose £163 per annum had been saved out nf the fire for Akaroa. He believed in giving every chance to bright intelligent chi'dnn and granting them higher education so-that they might become the strength of the State, and be of advantage to the community in which they lived. He would now come to colonial matters, which he had not time to analyze exhaustively, but only to touch on. The new Licensing Act had two main features. Tne first was that the Licensing Committees were elected by the people, 'these committees granted the renewal of licenses. No new houses could be licensed without a direct appeal to the people, for their consent hod to be obtained. Tho present Licensing Commissioners were a nominee body, who could renew or grant new licenses, or refuse them, as they thought fit. If the people were not fit to elect persons to represent them in these matters, thej were not fit to have political liberty at all. At present the Licensing Bench can refuse a license, and under the new Act the Licensing Committee will also have that power. A great deal had been said about compensation, but there was no doubt houses properly conducted were ef great service, and he had no reason to believe that there would be more danger in trusting the question of the renewal of licenses to an elected Committee than to a nominee Board, and so he had voted for the Bill. Under the new Act, when a fresh license was applied for it was in the hands of the residents to grant or refuse it. The power was in their hands, and, used wisely, would do good, but used unwisely, would have a bad effect. At all events it gave the people the power to judge for themselves.

The Fencing Act repealed some 41 other Acts and Ordinances, and did not materially alter the existing law. One clause in this Act provided that if a County Council were of opinion that it was not working well, they could adopt the old Act ; so that in any case the new Act could do no harm.

The Gaming and Lotteries Act was the next he would speak of. There could bo no question as to the advisablenessof putting down gambling houses, as they were undoubtedly demoralising, and did much harm. There were differences of opinion with regard to the suppression of lotteries, but he believed in doing away with them. When people put money into lotteries they did so with an idea of getting rich suddenly, and this tended to unsettle them, as they thought of gaining by other means than steady, honest industry. Anything that interfered with steady labor (except amusement) was, in his opinion, injurious, so he had voted for the Act, and he felt sure it would do no harm, as lotteries had had a demoralising effect in every country in which they had been allowed.

The Corrupt Practices Prevention Act was, he thought, a good one. Much money had been spent in elections. At the last election in Christchurch the candidates had spent £700 to £1000 each, and one West Coast member had stated in the House that his election cost £1000. He had also heard of an election in Wellington costing £700. Now, if this were only giving money to deserving people, it would not be so bad, but he noticed that elections brought out people who were not of settled industry. Many persons of moderate means, too, conld not afford

such expenses, aur! as money had uu doubredly great influence, this rendered the election unfair. The Bill wouldnot even allow placards to be posted or vehicles to be hired. He thought it an excellent Act, as it gave all a fair chance, and ensured that wealth cuull not corrupt.

The Representation Act was a most important one. Ho had expressed an opinion to them before, that representation should be on a.population basis. He approved of having electoral districts equal in point of population, hut the next best thing was what the Bill gave—equal representation according to the population of the Provincial districts. When the Government brought in the Bill he had supportedit. Many members objected in districts which lost representatives by the passing of the Bill, the Nelson members particularly, who urged that it destroyed the balance of power, though how it did that he could not see. The Act took away three lepresentatives from Nelson, and gave six more to Canterbury and three more to Otago, and also had an effect on some of the Northern constituencies. He was sorry to Bay that some Northern members, who should have defended broader principles, wanted to get additional representation for the Native population besides the four Maori members. The Hon J, Hall said this bill was passed in the face of a strong opposition. Now, this would read two ways. He noticed that the word oppos'tion was spelt with a big O, as if it meant the party who had opposed the Hall Government; but this was wrong as Mr McAndrew and other Otago and Canterbury members who had been in opposition had warmly supported the bill, and been at the Governme. 's beck and call to get it passed, so he thou .'it the Premier should have given them so ecradit. (Applause.) In the last two years very liberal laws had been passed. The Franchise had been extended so that all residents in a district for 6 months had a vote for the Assembly, and every freeholder of land worth £25 had also a vote. This really put the power in the hands of all settled and industrious people. The registration had also been simplified, and questions of disputed elections were now settled in the Supreme Court, instead of before a partizan committee in the House. The Triennial Parliament Bill also had passed, which provided that members should meet their constituents every three years. In spite or some little alteration which might be made, the power wa now practically in the hands of the peopl of the Colony. He might compare t\u Parliament which had just expired wiU that that had passed the Reform Bill i n England in 1832. The present Government boasted of having parsed these liberal measures in the last two years, but they were merely the outcome of public opinion formed long before—formed before the elections. The Hall Government had reaped the credit of these measures, but they should not forget the men that cultivated the soil. (Cheers) Whether they belonged to the Ministry or the Opposition was a disputed point, but in any case they were the result of a cultivated public opinion. (Applause.) There were two bills that had been rejected, which were still spoken of by Ministers, who must therefore think them good, and would therefore try to pass them. They were most pernicious, and he should do all in his power to oppo«e them. The first of these, the Road Construction Bill, was an old friend under a new name. It had been called the Local Public Works Bill when brought forward last session by Major Atkinson, and was as ridiculous as to bo at once rejected ond was laughed at even by supporters of the Ministry, as also was the Crown and Native Lands Rating Act. The construction of the Board under the Road Construction Bill was bad. It consisted of the Minister for Public Works and three members to be elected by the House, and it was distinctly stated that in the case of these three members, that the Act not allowing a member of the House to receive money from the public funds would be suspended, and of course this meant electing members of Parliament on the Ministerial side. This of course would givo undue power. The Board would have at their disposal £150,000 voted by the House, £150,000 of the Land Fund and £100.000 of the Trust Funds of the colony. This money was to be expended in public works, say for instance that a bridge was wanted that would cost £100, the plans and specification would all have to be sent to "Wellington to be approved before anything could be done. Members were of opinion such a course was ridiculous, and even the Ministry's own friends had opposed it. Such a Board could not possibly dispense funds for such a purpose satisfactorily. (Applause.)

He now came to the Native and Crown Lands Rating Bill. By this measure it was provided that the Colonial Treasurer should pay to the local bodies rates on Native Lands within their districts. It provided that the sums so paid should remain a charge against the land, and shou d be repaid whenever it was dealt with for the first time. But did they think that the money would ever be repaid ? No. Some of the land might not be dealt with for ten or twenty years, and what probability was there of a provision of the kind being carried into effect ? They would remember that in 1870 it was provided that if any railway entailed a loss, it should be charged against the district benefitted by it. But the provision hud proved, as this one would, a delusion and a f»nare. The whole thing simply meant that the colony at largo should pay for making roads through land which had been bought at 10s to 12s an acre. The provisions contained in those two Bills were so ridiculous, and so dangerous to the liberties of the people and the independence of local bodies, that the supporters of the Government told them they must drop them. Government only saved themselves from defeat on Mr Ormond's motion by promising to withdraw the measures, which was done ; and yet the Hon John Hall now talked of bringing in these Bills again. If members wore returned who would support these measures, it would be the worst thing that had happened the Colony for twenty years. With regard to the financial position of the colony ha found that their public debt amounted to £28.040,170. The annual charge for interest was £1,543,000, The profits on the railways amounted to £314,497. The difference therefore of £1,228,503 had to be made up by taxation. They would see therefore that the question of the incidence of taxation was a highly important one for them all. He was sorry that ho had never been able to agree with

tiie finance of the present Colonial Treasurer. That gentleman had never contrived to make both ends meet, that is, his ordinary expenditure had always been in excess of his ordinary revenue. In 1879 he drew a more gloomy picture of the financial outlook, yet in six months he had issued from £800,000 to £1,000,000 of Treasury Bills, and the greater part of this sum had been for expenditure which occurred during his term of office. In times of depression when there was in consequence a falling off in the custom revenue, it was necessary to issue Treasury Bills to meet current expenditure, but any sound financier would take care that they should be paid, off out of the savings of subsequent years. They had heard the neighboring Colony of Victoria held up as a frightful example of democracy run mad. Yet on a recent I change of Government which had taken place in that Colony, ho found that the incoming Colonial Treasurer did not attempt to cast blame upon his predecessors for the financial depression which had occurred. He admitted that a certain sum had been borrowed to meet current expenditure, but stated that a portion had been repaidj and he hoped to pay off the balance. The same gentleman quoted figuros to show that in two aud a half months the Customs revenue had increased at the rate of £7D0.C00 a year. He (the speaker) hoped that this wave of prosperity, or at least a fringe of the wave, had reached our shoren. He found that the Customs revenue had increased, no doubt because the condition of the people had improved. They had better recognize tho fact that no Government can avert a period of commercial depression. It would have been better for the Colonial Treasurer to have acknowledged this, and that the deficiency in the revenii-- was due to falling off in the Land Fund, and have met it by increased economy. Victoria was paying off her Treasury Bills, and we were not doing so. A farmer might legitimately borrow for th->. purpose of improvements, but if he went on borrowing on his land in order to pay his butcher and baker, it would be evident that he would come to grief. And the same principle applied to a country. With regard to the Public Works fund, they would remember that when the Grey Government went out it was positively stated that the loan was all gone. In place of this he found that on the 31st of last March there was a balance of £1,800,000 to the credit.of this fund. Would it not have been better to have spent, say, £1,000,000 of this money and thus set it afloat in the country ? There would have been fewer failures, fewer unemployed, and the colony would not have lost the valuable colonists, who have left it because they could not obtain employment, if this money had been put into circulation. But on the eve of a general election it was very convenient for a minister to have a million at his disposal. He considered that if this money had been spent sooner it would have relieved, to a great extent, the depression of 1880.

No doubt further loans would be asked for. He believed a country like an individual, conld safely borrow for improvements, But they should know beforehand for what purpose the money is to be raised. Full and complete data should be laid before them of what works are to be executed. But for this precaution nothing else would happen but what had happened since 1870. The money would be used in the purchase of members. He did not mince matters at all. He wonld not refer to cases which must be familiar to them all, so often had they been referred to. He would merely quote an expression used by a candidate for an ordinary district in this island. He had stated that on one occasion he found himself in a position of power, and he had used it to get money for his district. Therefore the first condition he should insist on would be that the money should be allocated beforehand. It was quite possible that the adoption of such a plan would defeat the borrowing, but at any rate it would defeat the jobbing. £3,000,000 here was about equal in proportion to £350,000,000 in England, and let them think for a moment what the placing such a sum at the disposal of the Ministry of the day would involve. He was convinced that the only safeguard for a proper expenditure of the money was the plan he had named. (Cheers.) With regard to the question of the finance of local bodies, he maintained that the first condition of a satisfactory solution of the question was an absolute separation between local and general finance. Local bodies should not have to look to Wellington for everything. (Hear, hear.) It was quite impossible for the House to look to local matters. Questions and motions regarding local matters were put upon the Order Paper day after day, which could do no good, but which got into Hansard and the newspapers. The consequence was that the estimates were not really discussed at all. They seldom got at them till midnight. The House had been fivo months in session before tho Public Works Estimates wcro brought do.vn, and then they were all voted in a single night. AVhen a mombcr gets up and talks about his district it empties tho House. A Gonoral Government can only look after general matters, not roads, bridges, and cnlvorts, Ho did not soo why the people could nut themsoives look after their Charitable Aid, Hospitals, Gaols, Police, etc. Provincial Governments had been very pretentious and not, very satisfactory. Still ho thought thoy might have aomothing. Road Boards would no doubt always be required, but he thought that the country, say from tho Rangitata to the Hurunui could 'look after the matter he had referod to. The people had to pay for them, and he thought they could manage them. At any rato absolute separation of local and general finance was unnecessary, (Cheers.)

The Government would soon bo ablo to throw a good deal of tho land under pastoral license open for sale. There was much land in Otago and Canterbury, that now was only iibed for grazing country, that would shortly be ready for settlement. Ho said this as he know many good settlers were going North, under the idea that they could not get land here. The Minister for Lands should be pressed to put.this land into the market as soon as possible.

He was in favor of a progressive land tax, which ho thought a just impost.

He held the same opinions regarding education as formerly. He was glad to see that the Bible was now read in many schools. He thought this vexed question had been Bettled by the reading taking

place half an hour before regular school so that pupils could attend or not, as their, parents thought fit. As long as the four hours required by the Act for secular education were not infringed, no one could complain. He was of course opposed to any sectarian teaching during tho regular school hours. (Applause.)

The question of the troubles on the West Coast was one which he should not like to shirk, as most other members had spoken of them, and because he did not think tbere was a clear comprehension on the matter, and he should like to lay it clearly before them. Th« report of tho Commission on the subject could not be understood by reading it once. The Hon John HaJl had said it was not a party question, and ho quite agreed with him. The Queen's writ should run everywhere, and all should be equally amenable to the law. Hiroki should have been captured at any cost when he shot McLean in 1879, but lie did not see why a breach of the law should be mixed up with the taking of land. . When he now raised his voice on the matter it was not against the present Government, for he acknowledged tho difficulty had been created by tho previous Government. The real fact was the land had been surveyed and fenced before the Native reserves ha.4 been laid orf. This was when Mr Sheehan was Native Minister, and they should get the report of the Commissioners appointed to investigate the matter, and read it, for it was the best history of the affair. Sir D. Bell and Sir W. Fox were members of the Commission, and he wished some respected Native like Taiaroa had been associated with them. After the war in 1865 the land on the sea board for 25 miles inland had been comfiscated in the fertile country from White Cliff round towards Wanganui, but it was a distinct understanding that all land belonging to Natives that wore loyal to the Queen should not be touched. The Natives returned to the land in great numbers >vhen this was known, and things remained quiet till the surveying of the Waimato plains commenced. Then the Natives thought it time to protest, as they did not know where their lands were, so they removed the surveyors pegs quietly. They were imprisoned for this, but they were not tried, and this was what he objected to. It was not fair, they should have had a chance of either proving their innocence or being punishedAs they all knew these men were eventually set at liberty when things were quiet. Now Te Whiti never rebelled at all so his land should not havo been confiscated. The Parihaka block is almost 25,000 acres. It is some eleven miles long, and runs from the sea to Mount Egmont, the lower part being plain and the upper part being forest land. The blocks on each side of Oponaki and Stony River were not confiscated, but the land of the loyal and peacable Te Whiti was taken. When the was made through Parihaka, Mr Harris saw Te Whiti. Te Whiti then complained that the survey was wrong and asked where were tho promised reserves. He said he wa.s willing to share his blanket but th«y wanted to take the whole of it. Now there was cleany a desire on Te Whiti's part to arrange matters, hut the Government did not avail themselves of it. The Natives fenced the road to keep the numerous cattle from the Waimate Plains from damaging their plantations, and at last the Government allowed slip panels. Te Whiti is well read in the Bible ; he is a moral and good man, and has great ability, and it is little wonder if he occasionally scars into the land of mysticism. It is said he talked treason on the 17th of September, and if so he should be tried, but not by an Opunake jury, who aie naturally prejudiced, but by Canterbury or Otago men. (Applause.) The settlers in that locality, many of whose homes have been burned by Titokawaura and other fierce chiefs, are not capable of judging Te Whiti impartially. It would have been better to pay £20 an acre for the 15,000 acres of land taken, than that the Government should have been placed in its present false position, and it would have been by far the cheapest, as well as the wisest plan. (Applause.) [Mr Montgomery read many copious extracts from the Commissioners' report and other documents, which want of space compels us to omit.]

He knew he had kept them long, but were there time could say much more. If returned, he would do his best for the Colony and the district, and whether returned or not, he should forget the generous support he had received from Akaroa. (Cheers.) A vote of thanks and confidence was moved by Mr Billenß, seconded by Mr Bruce and carried unanimously.

A vote of thanks to the chair terminated the meeting.