THE FUTURE OF THIS COLONY.

Auckland Examiner, Volume 1, Issue 1, 11 December 1856, Page 1

THE FUTURE OF THIS COLONY.

The theory of our Representative Constitution is radically and essentially popular. It opens to all alike the paths of political fame and social power. Our legislative system is as purely representative as ever the force of circumstances demanded or the wit of nations compassed. Everywhere wealth dictates to worth by means direct or indirect; everywhere Through tatteyed ropes small vices do appear, Robes and fur-gowns hide ail. But here, less perhaps than anywhere else, do men suffer from what in other and older societies is called tyranny of capital, and here assuredly we have a political system which offers larger prizes to the'educated men of brains than the mere men of money. No politician so humble but he may hope to become Member of the Provincial Council or even to be elected Superintendent. One clause of our Representative Constitution offers a seat in the Provincial Council thereof; and high honour of being elected Superintendent thereof; to every person within any Province hereby established or hereafter to be established who should be legally qualified as an elector,” which, according to another clause ‘ every man is of the age of twentyone years or upwards, having a freehold estate in possession, situate within the district for which the vote is to be given of the clear value of fifty pounds above all charges or incumbrances, and of or to which he has been seized or entitled either at law or in equity, for at least six calendar months next before the last registration of electors, or hold estate in possession situate within such district of the clear annual value of ten pounds, held upon a lease which at the time of such registration shall have-

not less than three years to run, or having a leasehold estate sosituate and of such value as aforesaid of which he has been in possession for three years or upwards next before such registration, or being a householder within such district occupying a tenement within the limits of a town (to be proclamed as such by the Governor for the purposes of this Act) of the clear annual value of ten pounds, and having resided therein six calendar mouths next before such registration as aforesaid, shall, if' duly registered, be entitled to vote at the election of a member or members for the district.”

Facts demonstrate that our Representative Constitution is in principle essence and effect republican, although it forbids us to enact any laws “ repugnant to the Law of England and although a Home-appointed Governor has vested in him the right of “ assenting to or dissenting from or reserving for the signification of Her Majesty’s pleasure” Bills passed by our Legislative Council and House of Representatives. Yes, the people of this Colony are free to govern themselves in their own way and if badly governed have themselves to blame. There is a growing opinion that we are too much governed or at all events that governing ourselves is an expensive business, far more so, indeed, than being governed by others—Mr. Fitzgerald in his pamphlet on “ The Present Government of New Zealand,” says : — “It becoms every day more obvious that the whole Colony is over-governed ; that the machinery of government is too weighty, too cumbersome, too costly. In 1858 the General Government was to be maintained with one-third of the General and none of the Land Revenues—tv o-thirds of the net and the whole of the Land Revenues, were to be the Revenues of the Province. And the various Provincial Governments were constituted upon a scale corresponding to that arrangement. In 1854 the Provincial Revenues were reduced to onehalf of the net. General and Land Revenues. In 1855 our share of the Land Revenues was again reduced and the Province brought in debt to the General Government for previous over-payments. In 1856 the Provincial share was again reduced to three-eights of the gross General Revenues, and a debt of £66,000 was fixed on the Land Revenues. It must be quite obyious to any one calmly reviewing the position of this Colony that the present Revenues will not maintain the present establishment, and that the people must make their choice between these contingencies—either the establishment of Government must be reduced, or fresh taxes must be imposed.” It seems obvious enough that so far our Representative Institutions have been a costly failure. Mr. Fitzgerald after referring to the avowed intention of Ministers to raise additional revenue significantly adds — The first Act of a Responsible Government is the increase of taxation.” Blink the fact who may, it is capable of demonstration, that our political system is not only a conspicuous failure but also an immense deception. Blink the fact who may, it is certain, therefore, past doubt, that this Colony more than any other “ appendage” of the British Crown is at once over-governed and overdone. In saying this we say no more than has often been said by all the leading men of all political parties. Were our Government energetic and wise we should be little disposed to grumble at its cost. But paying handsomely for the privilege of being governed by men of routine who will not stir their political stumps and who preside over their various “circumlocution departments” with the lazy indifference of a Tite Barnacle, is not to our taste. These gentlemen would be dear at any price or at no price' for they obstruct while professing to accelerate the march of events and remind us of a character in one of our farces who whenever pressed to dispose of some business or settle some question, in-

variably contents himself with a promise to “ see about it.”

Mr. Stafford, whos&want-of-confidencc-motion turned out the “Progress Government,” expressed himself ip respect to that Government in most contemptuous imaginable manner. He spok£\ of them as men obviously unfit for the duties of government ; men who had propounded a financial scheme replete w±th absurdity ; men who from want of ordinary discretion were incapable of conducting to \ny satisfactory conclusion or put upon aiw permanent basis the future of this Colony. That respectable animal who kicked the sick lion, displayed not temper more savage or vehement than did Mr. Stafford when attacking his honourable friend the sick member for Wanganui whose appreciation of our Prime Minister is to the full as unsatisfactory as is our Prime Minister’s appreciation of him— Quot homines tot sententice. And certainly members of an Administration un r provided with a policy such as the times demand have no just cause of complaint even if expelled from office at bidding of political opponents who wished “to strike not hear” scarcely allow them time enough) to make “ a last dying speech and confession.” The case of New Zealand is peculiar and altogether exceptional. No colony of Great Britain better deserves the at- ' tentive consideration of the philanthropist or the philosopher. It abounds in all the elements of material prosperity ; but mother-country-legislation has bequeathed to us a rich legacy of mischief. Look at our position with regard to the Land Question, —that question of questions without the settlement of which prosperity is a cheat and population on a scale commensurate with the wants of the Colony is quite impossible. England cares nothing for her colonies except in so far as her colonies care and provide for her. She is a kind mother when it costs her nothing to be so. England knows the full value of New Zealand as a naval station, and although she pays troops for our defence, her bargain is by no means a bad one. England is greatly a gainer by her relations with this Colony. Were the fact not so our Representative and Responsible Government would soon be left to shift for itself, and settle or leave unsettled as best it might our Land Question, our Native Question, and every other. The Native Question is intimately connected with the Land Question ; indeed, so close is this connection, so closely interwoven, as it were, are these two very grave and most notable questions that settlement of the one without settlement of the other seems impossible. The Native Question is more or less connected with every queston materially affecting our actual material interest as a Colony and progressive moral development as a People. Leaving that question unsettled may suit the convenience, ana admirably harmonize with the policy, of incapable men, but incapable men should not be allowed to trifle with public interest.

Jealousy of the once formidable NewZealand Company had much to do in the establishment of our Colony as an “ appendage” of the British Empire. Charles Terry in his account of New Zealand tells us: — “ The serious attention of the Honm Government had been excited towards New Zealand by the formation of the New Zealand Association, which subsequently on account of conditions that the Government had attached to a Royal Charter proposed to be granted to the Association, merged into the New Zealand Company in 1839. The proceedings of this Company had attracted universal attention, and. excited great interest. throughout England during the spring of the year 1839, from their novel and enlarged views regarding emigration and colonization, and from the energetic measures proposed to carry them into immediate execution.”

Nations, according io an astute poll-

tician, have no cousins, and Great Britain’s mode of dealing with/New Zealand will not discredit his maxim. The Marquis* “instructions” to Captain, afterwauds..Governor Hobson, clearly set forth wha/EngTand hoped to gain by colonkpng these islands. “ Her Majesty’s Government haVe watched these proceedings mth attention and solicitude we have /not been insensible to the importance of New Zealand to the interests of Great Britain in Australia, nor unaware- of the great natural resources by which the country is distinguished, or that its. geographical position must in seasons either of peace .or of war, enable it, if in the hands of civilized men, tp exercise a paramount influence in /nat quarter of the globe. There is probably no part of the earth to which colonization would be effected with greater or surer prospects of national advantage.” This/vas written in 1839, —the policy singe pursued by successive British Gofern/nents it is easy to understand but difficult to approve. By acknowledging the Native Title to all Lands cultivated or uncultivated, occupied or unoccupied, ■and claiming for themselves pre-emptive right in purchase thereof, they laid the foundation on which almost all our political mischief has been built. Tantalus up to his chin in water was tormented with perpetual thirst. We want land, can see plenty of it quite clearly, but. more than a wistful look is not permitted us. At this moment in the Province of Auckland alone there are hundreds of thousands of.acres waiting for the plough and inviting the husbandman. Skill, Labour, and Capital would soon find their way to our shores were the Land Question settled, as long since it should have been, and we think, ere long must be, in the interest of civilization. Even Louis Alexis Chametovzow, cidevant Assistant Secretary of the Aborigines Protection Society, allows that a wise solution of the Land Problem is matter of supreme importance. “No one, (he observes) who has paid any attention to the affairs’of New Zealand can for a moment doubt that their satisfactory adjustment and the prosperity of the Colony, depended, from fehe very first, -upon the speedy and equitable? solution of the Land Question, and that to its having been allowed to remain in abeyance must be attributed the chief difficulties which have so long distracted that country and entailed so much expense'and anxiety upon this.” Chap. 8, Book on New Zealand). In the future of this Colony we have faith, because the political diseases under 'which we are now suffering, though many and very various, are all traceable to one source. That source dried up the cure is certain. An equitable adjustment of our Land Laws would secure us abundance’of both Capital and Labour. Immigration upon a large scale is the one thing needful. Great Britain takes no pains to people our Colony. Of her policy, directing the stream of emigration x towards these islands, forms no part. She sends emigrants to Victoria, to New South Wales, and other of her colonies, but not to New Zealand, although at one time forward to admit “ there is probably no part of the earth in which coloiiization would be effeeted with greater or surer prospects of national advantage.” Well, El the Colony by energetic action Upon the principle of self-reliance secure fur itself a brilliant future. Government is at length bestirring itself ; there is a movement of the straw. Our Commissioner under the Land Claims B’ettlcincnt Act has “ Gazetted” the important fact that he is now prepared to recei'. c notifications from such persons as wish to have their claims heard under sard Act. These-claims ought long since to have been disposed of in the interest of the Colony and with or without the permission ot individual claimants whose private satisfaction should be subordinated to public good, They, more than any other class, will gain By a settlement, and we hope the new Commissioner is prepared with some plan of settlement.