PUBLIC DINNER TO MR. O'CONNELL, AT COVENT GARDEN THEATRE.

Auckland Chronicle and New Zealand Colonist, Volume 2, Issue 54, 15 August 1844, Page 4

PUBLIC DINNER TO MR. O'CONNELL, AT COVENT GARDEN THEATRE.

(From the London ,e Times/' March 13.) (Continued from our ktst>') waved their handkerchiefs, and the whole surface of the pit presented the same appearance of wavs ing handkerchiefs. The mass of white, from the floor to the ceiling, reminded one of a snow storm. This scene of excitement was continued, with renewals, during considerable more than five minutes, Yes! although he knew he should be incurring the displeasure of certain high persons at the honie office, he asked them to join with him in wishing health and happiness to this convicted conspirator. He rejoiced to hear that hearty sympathetic cheer from the chosen representative of Ireland ; and he was quite sure that no observations of his could induce the meeting to do an additional honour to the toast he was about to propose. But in justice to them, as well as to the public feeling that he knew existed in this country he could not deprive himself of the gratification of assuring their distinguished guests that this sympathy, and, this enthusiasm, was not confined to within these walls. He could assure him, that this building had it been ten times more soacious, would have been insufficient for those who were anxious to come forward, not only to testify their esteem and respect for him as a patriot and a man, but for the pnrpose of expressing, by their presence, their gust and indignation at the persecution and tho injustice, at the treachery and meanness the malignityaud vindictiveness which had marked the recent state trials, as they were called in Ireland, and «f which be and others were attempted to be made the * victims. The Attorney General for Ireland, the, first law officer of the Crown in that country —he at the onset of the proceedings, pledged liim s elf that he would prove the existence of one of the and one of the most wicked conspiracies that ever endangered the safety of an empire. He would not insult their understandings, by askine them how he succeeded. All England, every bon. est man in England proclaimed his failure, As England despised his attempts, and cried shame upon the Government proceedings. It was with much satisfaction that he heard, the other evening, one who had been high in the councils oflier Majesty, a member of the We Government, and a leads iug member of the Opposition at the present moment —he meant Lord John Russell—it was with great satisfaction that he heard that noble lord express his opinion of Mr.O’Conneil, that he had not a fair trial —aud that if he had been tried by an English judge and an English jury, it was his opinion that he would have been acquitted. Was he not justified instating to Mr. O’Connell, that he must not judge of the whole feeling of this country by that which had been testified upon the present occasion, he must not believe that with this evening's proceedings the enthusiasm would end ? No, he might depend upon it they would not remaiu tougue-tied while they saw this prosecution pursuing its accursed way, and not make any attempt to rescue from its fangs that man in whom were centred the hopes and affections of the Irish people, (Cheers.) If there was no stronger inducement than their at taehinent to the impartial administration of justice, he was sure the attempt would be made (hearj; bui let him remind them, that that which was Ireland’s fate to day might be England's to-morrow if they quietly looked on. (Cries of'* No,”) If they saw juries packed—if they allowed judges to become Ministerial partisans if they allowed he law to be strained—if they allhwed public meetings, legally convened to be put an end to by proclamations —if they allowed the rights of petition to be abrogated by such proceedings—if they allowed it to be proclaimed thatthe sword and the bayonet were the just remedies they might depend upon it that the strug« gles of their ancestors for freedom would have been in vain if their descendants acted with such pusillanimity. (Cheers.) But had Mr. O’Connell no other claim on the.ir admiration and support ? Had they forgotten, the Catholic Emancipatiou measure (cheers), which was his act, and his only ? To him the Catholics were indebted for it. To him the Liberal Prote s tants owed their admiration. Had they forgotten that to Mr. O’Connell and the Irish members they were indebted for most valuable assistance in the struggle that took place for the Reform Bill ? (Cheers.) True it was that the Reform Bill had disappointed—had sadly disapj: pointed—them ; bot Mr. O’Connell was not responsible for that. (Hear, hear.) Had not Mr. o'Con= nell made many sacrifices for the cause of liberty 1 Had he not devoted his time, his services in his profession, and his fortune, to the cause of the people } aud his services at the present moment were at the command of his country. (Loud cheers) He (Dr. Buncombe) had heard Mr. O'Connell in the House of Commons sfa'.e to Ministers, that if they would bring in measures for the benefit of

Ireland, his much injured country, he would care not how they had treated him ; he would forget it all in the prosperity of his country, and cosoperate strenuonsly with them for the benefit of his native land. What return had Ministers m de to this man? What was their reply to the proposition ? Why, the reply was this—that ronerssion had seen its utmost limits, and that condign punishment must be liis reward. It was quite clear that the last act of that contemptible drama which had been played in Ireland had yet to beenacted, and that the Government, ballotd on by the bloodhounds of the Tory press, meant to send the law officers of the Crown again into the Court of Queen’s Bench in Dublin, their to demand the vengcaace of the Court upon their victim. (“ Never.”) Nay, at this moment you could not go into any socie y, but if you met any persons who belonged (o what was called tlie Orange faction, with that peculiar delicacy which invariably attached to all their proceedings, you heard them speculating as to the number of years for which Mr, O’Connell was to be incarcerated. (Laughter.) More than this, they might be beard speculating on the relative strength of the gaols of Kilmainham and Carrickfergus. (Hisses, and derisive laughter.) Deluded and short sighted men! Did they think that by his incarceration in a prison they could conceal Mr. O’Connell from the eyes of his countrymen ?—did they think that by imprisoning such a man, that his virtues, and that bis patriotism, would be lost to their memories ? No. He told them in their name, and he told them in the name of the people of England—yes, and in the name of the toiling millions of England, that how dark soever might be his cell —how strong soever might be his dungeon, how gross soever the indignities they might heap upon his head ; and he told Mr, O’Connell in that vast and gorgeous assembly, that he might lay his head in peace upon his pillow, for that the petitions, ay, and the remonstrances too, of millions of the virtuous, tbe patriotic, and the good, would not only attest to his innocence, but would pioclaim his liberatiou from within the very walls of Parliament itself. (Cheering.) He had told them before that he had already gone beyond the limits he had assigned to himself and he was satisfied that nothing he could urge Would strengthen tbe feelings they had towards their patriotic and illustrious guest ,* and he should, therefore, conclude his observations by saying, that they, in honoufmg Mr .O’Connell, did honour to themselves; and farther, that they testified their sympathy and regard for a people whose rights and liberties, whose prosperity and happiness, ought to be, and he was sure were, as sacred to him as their own. (Cheers ) He had now, therefore, only to propose—“ Health and long life to Daniel O’Connell.” The toast was received with the same enthusiesm that attended the first mention of Mr. O’Connell’s name. The cheering and waving of handkerchiefs continued for some minutes, Mr. O’Connell (after the cheering \frith which he was greeted had subsided) rose and spoke as follows :—I protest to you this is the first time in a long and variegated life that, with tru h I may say, I feel unmanned, I feel overpowered. The dungeon that my enemies and yours have prepared for me has no terror to ray mind ; and, if the scaffold and the rack could be added to it, they would not bring such overpowering sensations to my mind as the awful magnitude of the compliment you have paid me to-day. Oh ! how ardent must be your love of justice, Oh ! how steady and severe your hatred for judicial partiality. How you must delight in seeing justice rendered with the same intensity that you hate the practice of partiality and injustice! What are my claims upon your sympathy 1 That I am the victim of injustice, simply because the law has been violated in my person, simply because those in power have practised iniquity, and you who have integrity aDd manliness know how to hate them. Yes, you are able to turn defeat into victory. And to make conviction not a source of punishment but of triumph. Yoa make me glad that 1 have been convicted. It is no exaggeration to use that expression. I use it in all the sincerity of my heart, because you have shown a sympathy in England for Ireland ; you have convinced mo, uot reluctantly to be sure, but with some difficulty, that there is a higher mind animating the masses of the middle class, and the better part of the higher classes, in England, which teaches me that we were born to be united in affection and in interest, born to be combined against the world, and that we have no ene- ; mies but those who are enemies of both. Yey. I do delight in the events that have taken place. I think they will tend to great good in both branches t>f the country. I am sure of this, that the people of Ireland will bear with gratitude, to be extinguished only with their lives, of the manner in which I have ecn received lately, in more popular assemblies ■ none, and in that brilliant assemblage that is ■<>w before me. Ob ! what a scene is here tonight. V\ hen I see the rank and station, when I contemplate the wealth and the importance, when 1 see the manly determination and the kindly glisten of the friendly eye, when I behold those beings that se<m to turn it to fairy land, those sylphs and celestial beings animating and smiling upon us, I do rejoice that at any inconvenience to myself I have beheld such a transcedent spectacle They have convinced me not of a crime defined or definite, not of any thing you can read in law book, but of something the judges havs spelt out of those law books, and put together to form a monster indictment. It is literally so.— [Considerable interruption here took place owing to the great difficulty of hearing Mr. O’Connell in tbe most distant parts of the house. The confusion continued until Mr. O’Connell, ads vaneing towards the centre of the house, mounted on a table, and thus continued his address.] —1 was endeavouring to vindicate the judgment you had formed. My task, I may say, was that ofvindicas ting you to yourselves, of endeavouring to prove that you are perfectly justified in the ardour of your enthusiasm in supporting my cause and that of the Irish people. The accusation that has been made out against me, and upon which I have been convicted, is of that enormous nature, that it is interesting to every human being, whether he be himself liable to a similar machinatiou or not, to understand distinctly its bearing, its forms, and its pressure. It is not a crime defined by the law, or ; definite. It is not a crime respecting the evidence I for which there is any possible resort to law books, j or to the conjurations of men of my trade. It is I called to be sure, a conspiracy but there is nothing

of private agreement —there is nothing of arrangement —tliere is nothing of plot or plan in it. It is something that the judges imagine when they dream. One of our female authors of celebrity in the fulness of feminine imagination has depicted to the world an imaginary being of extraordinary dimensions, and of voracious capacity; a«>d denominated it Frankenstein. Tbe conspiracy tried in Ireland was the Frankenstein of the law, uncouth of limb, nushaped in form, undefined and indefinite in mails ner, having nothing of humanity about it, having nothing of law but its monstrosity. How was it endeavoured to be supported? By the history of nine months. What plot did it disclose ? Why a plot which was carefully committed to those cautis ous keepers of secrets, the public newspapers. Not one witness was produced to prove any fact except that A and B were proprietors of newspapers, and members of the association, and the newspapers weie read in detail against us ; the judges determined that that was evidence of conspiracy, and here 1 stand before you a convicted conspirator. The history of nine months was given in this most satisfactory manner. The chronology of the newspapers, the date of them were all varied one week from another. The history of 41 giant meetings was detailed as it appeared in the public prints, and was it alleged that any one of these meetings wob illegal ? that there was force, violence, tumult, or turbulence at any one of them ? There was not a particle of any such allegation that the magistracy or the constables, or the idle and the timid, were intimidated or frightened at any oue of these meet* ings ? There was not a single allegation of the kind. They were peaceable. They were admitted to be legal. Each and every one of them were admitted to be legal* But by tbe dexterity of judicial magic, the 4t, though each perfectly leg <1 separately, when taken together formed a conspiracy. It is literally so. I am not mocking you when I tell you literally the fact, that 41 legal meetings weie held to make an illegal one, Fortya one cyphers would not make a sum, and yet, in point of law, it was decided in our case that 41 nothings made a something, and we are to abide the event. Oh, the scorn and indignation of mankind ought to be poured out on such an abomination of injustice. I arraign the men as conspirators who planned such a trial. I arraign, as the worst species of conspirators, the men who carded on this mock of persecution with all the trickery and chicanery of Old Bailey praotitiouers. What is fact today the judges call precedent to-morrow, and if this question be allowed to repose, if ibis precedent be once established, Englishmen, there is uot one of you whose case it may be to morrow, I say not th»s to threaten or menace you. I say not this to instigate you to warmth in support of the people of Ireland ; for I would be the most mistaken of human beings, if I were not aware already from what I have seen in England , that it is unnecessary to animate you, or to give you any motives for acting but your own generous feelings. I arraign, therefore, that prosecution against me, and I tell yon you are justified in arraigning it for want of anything like legal form or fixity, for want of anything that you can encounter ; for it is a montsrous shadow that may be armed with deadly weapons by miscreant administration of the law, but which has in it nothing that is tangible which a rational man can meet in a fair conflict of argument or judicial discrimination. W bat is my next arraignment ? The conduct of the judge—and here I have one consolation, that no one human being attempts to justify the judge. The usual practice in Parliament is, when L any man is arraigned for misconduct, the ministry, if he happens to be aministeiial man, and the Opposition, if he happens to be an Opposition man, suddenly discover that he really was endowed with all possible human virtues. They get up and eulogise him, never having discovered that he had so many good qualities till he was attacked —that is the usual course of Parliamentary proceeding. But there is one man of whom men of all classes are ashamed, a person no one praised, and that man is Chief Justice Penefether. Nobody has attempted to defend him—nobody has attempted to eulogise him. It is admitted that since the hideous days of Scroggs and Jeffreys so one sided a cha ge was never pronounced by judicial lips. He is taken aback to the worst days of the history of the law. It is admitted—it was asserted and not tl nied —£ saw it myself—He borrowed part of the prosecuting Consel’s brief to help him to make out his charge, and in addressing the Jury he shewed the bent ot his mind—“ out of the fullness of the heart the mouth speaketh”—be talked of the counsel on the othe other side. Let it be proclaimed throughout England—from the extremity of Cornwall to the highest part of Scotland—let it be known throughout the length and breadth of the land —that there has been a trial where a chief justice piesiding was admitted to have made the charge of of an advocate, which was incapable of defence by any party or any government. You see how I am coaxing him to pass a lenient sentence on me. What is my next impeachment of this proceeding ? I am here to vindicatemyseif and countrymen, and you for your sympathy and support. My next impeachment is the management of the jury panel. Out of 710 persons, 63 slipped by accident. We had a lottery ; out of 770, 710 alone remained : 63 were wanting (villany). To be sure it was viliauy, it could n«t be accident. Especially out of the 63, 27 were Roman Catholics. Perhaps you do not know that f am of that persuasion. And here let me say, that when my esteemed and valued friend (you chairman ago told yon that the Roman Caibolics were indebted to me for my exertion in favour of their emancipation, he might have added with truth—l add with pride—that I sought for that emancipation, not by the assertion of sectarian preference or party, bat on the great and glorious principle, [that religion is a matter between man and his Creator, and that there is no freedom or justice in any country where a man is prohibited from worshipping his God according to the dictates of his conscience. It was upon that principle I sought for and obtained emancipation, and I would not have taken it upon any other principle. It was upon that principle that we petitioned for the Protestant Dissenters in England, and helped to obtain their emancipation. There is the hand that drew the petition that was signed by 28,000 Catholics piaying for the emancipation of the Pro s testant DisseUters of England, and within one fortnight after that Petition was presented Lord

John succeeded ; and Peel was compelled to enyincipate the Protestant Dissenters. Pardon roe«(o«> this digression; but it is necessary that we shoul undestand each other well. The people of Ireland have waited for their own freedom of conscience, they were in power three times since the Reformat tiou, and they never persecuted a single Protestant.! Let us then contend with each other, in ihe good! the charitable, the banbvolent generous flow of ourl feelings, and take no credit for particular advan-|* tages, and let us establish the liberty of all on thef: broad basis of Christian brotherhood. I come! f back to the trial. The 63 names slipped out. c i Mark, now, for oue moment; th re is Something : of techiniealily in what lam going to (s;)] you, but . i I think you will easily comprehend iiib.||w« chaU | enged the array on account of names j | which had been dropped. In fhat # eliM(euge— the I i document is On recoid —we alleged tlia’t (hose names | | were fratidentally spoliated from the list—we al- I l leged that this was done to the detriment of the | . traversers. That plea was put on the record. The . Attorney-General had it in his power to join issue an<l say the thing had not been fraud; ntally done* [ That question of fraud would have been tried by i tryers duly sworn ; but be declined to do so. [ He left allegation unconUoverted—it was uncontro--1 verted on the record to this day, and he relied on this, that he had judges who told him, and told us that, as we did not know that committed the fraud, we were withourFetnedy. It is literally : true. lam here talking to the common sense of ; Englishmen—to their sense of honesty, amd.to that t noble adherence to fair play, which things else is the highest and most dignified traijfliu thd Erig ! sh character. It is a common saying’Ml ovetthe world, when two men were found fighting, people who cotnefup are sure to take part with one or the other ; but in England, it is proverbial that no two people fight that those who come npridnn’t see fair play. There is no one word in any other language, that can express such a character, and it deserves to have a word coined for itself. The, fraud is uncontroverted till the present moment; the only answer we get, as I told you, “ you don’t know who committed the fraud, and therefore there is no remedy.” Suppose a man is robbed and does not know the name of the chief, if he went before Sir Peter Laurie, or any other of your white witches,, and said “ I caught this man escaping from my premises with my goods, ’’ every oue would laugh at Sir Peter more than they do if lie were to say,“ I cannot listen to your complain; yon don’t know the man’s name. And yet, on that most ridiculous assertion we are told that the fraud must go unpanlshed, and we must be punished for mentioning the fraud. There temains one more impeachment, and ' that is my impeachment of the jury that was sworn. 11l poiut of law Protestant and Catholic have equal right'to be on that jury. In point of justice it ought to be so—iu fair play it would be so. Chief Justice Fair-play would have decided for me at once. Yet what was the first step? Eleven Catholics were on the reduced list, every one of them was struck off by the Crown Solicitor. They to be sure, they were repealers. In the first place, it is no true: that is one answer. In the next place, if it were true it would be no reply ; becaUuse, , being a repealer might be a great folly, but it is not a crime ; it is not a crime which makes a£man an outlaw. And if being a Repealer (would make a juror favourable tome, I ask you whether my most 4 rancorous aud violent opponents—-men who had jff voted three times against me—could be considered!" a fair and impartial juror against me. This is their own argument. I convict them out of there own mouths. I appeal to common sense, if a Repeals er would be favourable to me, is not your anti-Re*;, pealer necessarily favourable to another. But recollect this, it was the more important to have % fair jury injtnisfcase, because the crime was not a dis« tinct one. If it had been a charge of tobbery jor muider. or forgery, any human intellect would only have had to decide the fact whether the party charge ed was guilty or innocent; But here was animaginary crime, participating more of ideality tlanlreality, here was something .that was to be speliedout of the recesses of the criminal law, and it emphatically called for a thoroughly impartial as well as a thoroughly intelligent jury to investigate it„ One Protestant they struck off—as respectable an individual as ever lived—almost the only liberal Protestant in the entire panel. The man whose intellect was of the highest order, the intelligent Protestant, they sent to keep company will the 11 Catholics, Yet they call this a fair trial. I call lit uot prosecution, but persecutition. I call it not i a fair trial, but shifting scheme and management. I say I am not the person convicted by the due ! course of law. In prison I shall feel that lama victim, and in that prison I shall have the feeling at heart that will raise me superior to thepanishment (hear). Oh, I see [ have plenty here to open the prison doors. But it would be very idle to suppose that I am not thoroughly prepaied for an event of that kind. W hatever I suffer for my | country, 1 rejoice in that sufferigg, and she is rendered doubly dearer to me by any*infliction I imposed on me for acting in defence of her freedom find happiness, and they mistake much who imagine ihat my influence will be diminished, or my power of persuasion over my countrymen will be lessened by any sentence they may possibly inflict on me. However, I will not dispute with you on the nature of the sentence. I have shewn you the culpability of the proceeding. I have arraigned the parties to it here, wheie my voice, unconfined by those walls, will reach all over the world wherever the English language is spoken; wherever the ear understands its accents my words will be conveyed on the wings of ilie press, and in the presence of the congregated civilization of the world, in the presence of America, of Fiance aud India, of every clime and country, I jrodaim the proceedings against me a foul and dishonest persecution, and I hurl at ihe tyrants of the law my merciless - scorn and defiance. But it will be asked what object I had in view at those meetings. You may g ay to me “ ’tis true you ought not to have beenbut you have an account still to rendero us ; you are accused of wishing to seperate , Eogland irom Ireland.” I have been accused of (To be concluded in our next.)