DEMOBILISATION ... Renobilisation?
An article by
from The New Statesman and Nation, June 10, 1944
CC A FTER THE LAST WAR.” Is any phrase more often used in serious Service discussion ? Among civvies, too, the phrase is increasingly to be heard these days. Listen to a typical housewife, age thirty, giving her views on the war’s end : — I can’t see it ending in under two years. And when it does end, I don’t think it will be really over. Every one says the men will be kept out there after the war, and won’t come home for years and years. And there will be terrible unemployment at home. Look at the promises they made in the last war about jobs for all, and look what happened. ' The peace of 1918 caught the country unprepared ; as a result there was much confusion and distress-. It was not simply the fault of the Government, who did try, belatedly, to tackle the problem. The High Command didn’t help. But basically it was the fault of ordinary people everywhere, in khaki and out. They failed ’to prepare or inform their minds for that sudden miracle, Peace. When it popped out of agony, they panicked. All war lessons were discarded. To-day we face the same issues. Many older folk remember this postwar period only too well, high hopes and vanished visions, bitter unemployment and “ heroes ” singing in the streets. Over and over again, people still talk of the “ muddle ” and “ chaos.” Many now feel anything would be better than a recurrence. In particular, they feel we must start straight with planned demobilization, key to all that can follow. In 1917 Lloyd George prepared a demobilization plan designed to restart peace industry quickly. Haig opposed it as “ most objectionable and pre- ’ judicial to discipline.” So it was shelved. Armistice brought a rush to get out. String-pullers wangled out first. Indig-
nation, fanned by the press, mounted rapidly. There were several small mutinies, a big Whitehall march by armed soldiers, and the setting-up of Soviets on the Russian model in one or two units. As Winston Churchill, then War Minister, puts it in his book The World Crisis —- The ordinary soldier without these advantages (of strings to puli) saw his lately joined comrade hurrying home to take his job or somebody’s job, in England, while he, after years of perils and privations on a soldier s pay, wounded and sent back to the carnage three and. some four times, was to be left until the plums at home had been picked up and every vacancy tilled. In the face of feared violence a hasty plan was made by the War Minister demobilization on the basis of wounds, service, and age ; Army pay more than doubled ; new young men for the Army of occupation. Put forward early in 1919, these measures helped, though too late to be fully effective. Demobilization went very rapidly, 3,300,000 in the first five months and on at 100,000 a week. . At the same time, some million civilians lost their war jobs. There was no question of an assured job, moderate security, or any broad plan at all. The result is familiar enough. Another wartime Minister, Reginald Mac Kenna, says it excellently in his While I Remember :■ —■ The countries which had been devastated by the war and those which were threatened by ruinous indemnists set to work at once to repair the damage and build up their resources ; England, which had endured as long a strain as any without having iron driven into her soul at the sight of her land laid waste or her industry ruined, settled down to drowsy recuperation until the next crisis should arouse her with the threat of financial disaster, revolution, or another war. Journey Home covers the same people for three years, on the difference between their peace hopes, wishes, ideals, and their peace expectations, what they consider really will happen. In nearly every category, expectation fell well below hope. In two cases this is especially
noticeable ; the hope for Total Employment and for sincere Internationalization. These extensively held ideals are widely, deeply felt to be threatened in advance. Worse than that, their opposites, Mass Unemployment and International Strife, are commonly anticipated. Unemployment fear is the most immediate and important : it is strongest, of course, in the Services. Nearly half the civilians also expect much unemployment, and another third think there will be some. Optimists : —■ I don’t see why there should be much. There’s plenty wants doing. There’s too much rebuilding to be done. There’ll be plenty of work for catching up with everybody’s wants. Haven’t we been skimping and saving for years ? People will want to go on a bust when it’s over. That’s good for trade. Compare the pessimistic :— I think it will be like after the last war, dreadful. It will be like after the last war, a muck-up. Between the two :— After the first two years I reckon it’ll go back to the old game again lining up for the dole. It is certainly true that people will want “togo on a bust.” They did last time. That was half the trouble. Peace became irresponsible. Again it is bound to raise new conflicts, tempers, impatiences. If the old job is available, will you want it back ? Or are you looking for a new opportunity ? Many servicemen and women will answer : No, Yes. The younger end never had an adult civvy life. Their problem is well put by a girl just married to a soldier :— Unless he stays in the Army—and I know he does not want to do sodemobilization for us means starting a completely new career. Will Britain offer enough opportunity ? In a recent Mass Observation survey, a greatly increased number both of Services and civvies spontaneously expressed an urge to emigrate after the war. Typical remarks were : - ‘‘l shall sell my business, if it keeps on its feet, and then I shall go
to America,” and, “ I want to go abroad. New Zealand I’d like. • They want carpenters there. ’ ’ A fragment overhead in a Taunton pub :—- Soldier : Well, when it’s all over, we’ll go to Canada, won’t we ? His Wife : Rather ! And what will the women do ? Will they sit pretty, in industry ? Will they want to go back to housework ? Journey Home shows there has
been a lot of exaggerated worry about this in the Forces. Women in Britain definitely do want to get home. The large majority are getting tired of loyally observed long hours, and routine work in factories. Many pine for a home ; wives want husbands and babies ; others want potential husbands, as any normal girl does. Just one woman war worker can speak for millions like her ; she says of her job : “ This is only a wartimemeasure. You bet your life I only intend it to be.” A majority in public opinion alsofavours the idea that women should not be allowed to stay in men’s jobs. And the old slogan, “ Equal pay for equal work,” is accepted as an essential rule by nearly every one —only i per cent, against ! We see, then, that people have new hopes born out of war’s sacrifices and self-controls ; they also have old doubtsand anxieties, born largely out of the last war. They are ready to plan something different, but not at all sure how it’s tobe done. They are clear that it will mean some continuing sacrifices and controlsboth of self and community. The first stepas nearly all agree—this time is to plan demobilization, key to any planned economy of prosperous peace. This time the Government are planning demobilization ahead, mainly through Minister of Labour Ernest Bevin. The broad principles so far published involve a general assessment on basis of age, home responsibilities, service, skill, and available work. Nothing is yet finally fixed. Independent schemes have been publicized by various groups, from the Conservatives to the Communists. What matters is that, few men doubt the need for planned demobilization. This is
equally true of the man-in-the-street. When Mass Observation asked people what they thought the main considerations in demobilization priorities, they named the following items in their order of frequency : (i) family man ; (2) length of service ; (3) usefulness in civvy street”;' (4) service record (5) job ready and waiting ; (6) age. Many felt that length of service alone would penalize key men, reserved for the first war years, or later . volunteers from safe civvy jobs. Many held that those who could go and make work for •others should be let out first, however short their service. Broadly, most are remarkably reasonable and tolerant about it. It will be impossible to satisfy ■every one. Every one can this time be led to follow a sensible, fair-minded scheme. But underlying the sober general opinion there is, as all servicemen know, a very natural feeling that “ I'm an exception, I’m entitled to be among the first, that’s sure.” A report from the R.A.F. typically mentions this feeling : — In talking of how it ought to run, everybody invariably takes the class to which they belong, and then puts forward any argument he can think to show why that class comes first. As a sapper reports from an R.E. unit :— Of course, every one believes that there will be no ■early release for him himself after the war, but secretly hopes that a chance may present itself for him to get -out quickly. Every job is regarded by the person doing this job in “ civvy street ” as being of national importance. This very normal “ selfishness ” upset the show last time. It can only be avoided this time by self-control. Mass Observation polls show one helpful development in this direction. The per-
centage expecting demobilization to last tinder one year was 30 per cent, in 1941, fell to 20 per cent, in 1942, and away down to 5 per cent, in 1943. Commonly held is the view “ it will have to take place over a long period.” Gaining ground is the idea that a strong Army of occupation will be required ; as an R.A.S.C. driver remarks : “ Complete demobilization will never take place, because a large standing Army will be maintained.” Moreover, practically half of Britons at present expect another war after this one ; 46 per cent, expect it within twenty-five years. In the face of these fears, the soldier dreams of a personal “ civvy street ” escape. Pessimism breeds apathy. If “the century of the common man ” is to mean something to the common man, it must be an era of more than creature comforts. Good housing, good pay, security, they mean a lot. But men can live in luxury and be miserable, as they can sometimes live in squalor and be happy. If a man knows where he’s going and wants to get there, he can put up with hardship cheerfully. The Freedoms of to-day seem largely Freedoms From. The shortage is in Freedoms For. The positive, purposive effort for wise and controlled action right from the moment of peace depends on citizens, electorates. There should, by now, be enough women and men of good will and good sense to see that we avoid the shambles of 1918 with its inevitable repercussions, 1928 and 1938. If even as late as 1948 is our demobilization year, we have then to fight for 1958 —and 2000, too.
SCHOLARSHIPS IN ACCOUNTANCY
The New Zealand Society of Accountants intends to grant two travelling scholarships in accountancy after the conclusion of hostilities. The scholarships are of the value of £200(N.Z.) per annum for two years. Applications are being received from members of the society who are serving or have served with the New Zealand Forces and who' were under thirty when they enlisted. Three similar scholarships are offered by the Incorporated Institute of Accountants of New Zealand, open to members of that Institute. Further information can be obtained on application to — DAEWS. DES. ADERS, CMF. ADERS PW.
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Korero (AEWS), Volume 2, Issue 22, 6 November 1944, Page 28
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1,986DEMOBILISATION ... Renobilisation? Korero (AEWS), Volume 2, Issue 22, 6 November 1944, Page 28
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