Mana Motuhake: The Nature of its Business

Tu Tangata, Issue 32, 1 October 1986, Page 52

Mana Motuhake: The Nature of its Business

Introduction Mauri tu, mauri ora Act and live Mauri noho, mauri mate Sit still and die (1)

Te Hope Huia Hakaraia POLS 235: Public Sector: Political Science Victoria University 1986

The current decade represents a period of strained race relations between the Maori and the Pakeha. Rather than continue to tacitly accept and become totally over-run by and immersed in the political, economic and social framework created by the dominant Pakeha, segments of the Maori population such as Mana Motuhake have said “enough!”. The Maori has instead chosen to act now to gain acceptance and recognition of their unique identity and values by the Pakeha majority and ensure the preservation and sustenance of Maori language and culture. Groups such as Mana Motuhake have become openly critical of the status quo of the Maori and vow that there will not be a return to the previous farcical situation where a so-called “consensus” permitted Maori aspirations to remain invisible to Pakeha decision-makers and contributed to the fallacy that New Zealand race relations could be held up as a model to the rest of the world.

Socio-Economic Problems On one side of the coin, continuing problems over land and the widening economic and social gap between the Maori and the Pakeha provide a focal point for Maori grievances and concerns. Recently released socioeconomic statistics (2) reveal a grim and disturbing reality, for instance: “in education some 60 percent of Maori youth leave the education system without a formal education and that is after 12 years in the system; in street gangs, institutional care and prisons the Maori is over-represented, half the prison population is Maori; in the area of housing only 42 percent of Maori people own their own home as compared with 72 percent of the nonMaori population;

in the employment field a 20 percent disparity between the two groups exists; in the area of health the mortality rate has some ten years difference between the two groups and in the case of incidence of occurrence of lung cancer, Maori women have the dubious distinction of leading the world!”

Such focal points of tension are not eased by claims that “other New Zealanders can cope and since we are all one people New Zealanders, there is no valid excuse for the Maori to lag behind.” However, the fact of the matter is that the Maori and the Pakeha do not feel “alike” and in truth do not classify themselves together, no matter what some people may believe they should feel or think! Dr Tamati Reedy, Secretary of Maori Affairs recently commented (3) “that when Maori

people behaved according to the normal (predominantly Pakeha) values of society they were accepted and congratulated as New Zealanders especially when they performed well in education, the workforce, housing and other socio-economic areas. But when Maori behaviour is seen as somewhat ‘deviant’ they are told in no uncertain terms that they are Maori and reminded not to forget it!”

The classification of the Maori people themselves as one homogeneous group is another commonly made mistake. Bob Mahuta of the Tainui tribe has commented [4) that, “The perception that all Maori people are part of a single homogeneous group with the same attitudes and views is not so. Maori people belong to tribal groups which each have unique historical experiences and distinct cultural practices and perceptions of the contemporary world.” On the other side of the coin, many people claim that the existence of Maori institutions and special concessions such as the Maori parliamentary seats, Maori Affairs Department, Maori All-Black team, loan concessions and protective land laws constitutes undeniable proof that the Maori in fact enjoys a very privileged status in New Zealand. So does the caged kiwi in the zoo! Everyone tells the Maori what is good for him. But surely only the wearer of a shoe can tell where it pinches the most? One could argue that if it was not for the existence of these concessions, the poor socio-economic position of the Maori would be far worse! In the light of the above issues it is not

surprising that Maori dissatisfaction continues to be voiced publicly and loudly.

Mana Motuhake

The challenge of Maori impatience was felt by the Labour Party in 1979, when Matiu Rata, one of its own members of Parliament and a former Minister of Maori Affairs, resigned from the Party. Rata became totally disillusioned with Labour and claimed that the Party was indifferent to the urgent and pressing needs of Maoridom in the interests of overall efficiency and unity and had for far too long taken the four Maori seats for granted. The following year, as proof of his convictions, Matiu resigned from his prestigious position of Member of Parliament for Northern Maori. He unsuccessfully contested the consequent by-election as an independent, polling within 1,000 votes of Labour’s winning candidate Dr Bruce Gregory and at the same time gave Labour the first real fright they had ever experienced over a Maori seat!

Following his defeat Matiu agreed to head a fledgling Mana Motuhake Party, which, although having never contested a general election before, could in fact trace its roots back to 1858 and the kotahitanga (unity) movement. Prior to Matiu’s joining the Party, Mana Motuhake, under Amster Reedy, had been evaluating certain socio-economic statistics relating to the Maori people.

Aims and Objectives

The name “Mana Motuhake” means distinct/discrete power. Another definition is the autonomy of things Maori. The movement is keenly aware that politics is about power and who gets what, when and how and is dedicated to a philosophy of self-help for the Maori people. It pledges to advance the Maori from a state of dependence to one of self-reliance and selfdetermination. The Party believes that the Maori are the best people to represent their own interests and destiny. The primary objective of the Party is to transform New Zealand and its active practices and laws to reflect the true nature of a bi-cultural society rather than the largely mono-cultural society based on the values of the Pakeha majority. Mana Motuhake has strong indigen-

ous views and firmly believes that a cultural exchange of Maori values must take place because the New Zealand citizen is entitled to a dual heritage. The Party does not advocate apartheid but a sharing of political power. Regretfully its strong pro-Maori stance has often been misconstrued by both Maori and Pakeha alike as outright racism.

In separating the Maori from the other political parties Mana Motuhake paradoxically seeks at the same time to unify a people. This may well hold some appeal to Maori and Pakeha alike who have become weary and disillusioned with the divisive nature of the existing political system. In a sense, the urge to form and nurture a separate Maori party is similar to the same sentiments which fostered the rise of Social Credit prior to the 1981 elections and the New Zealand Party in 1984. What is different however is the distinct Maoriness of Mana Motuhake which is symptomatic of long-held grievances and aspirations of a people losing faith in the conventional political solutions.

The Party is only too aware that achievement of its objectives will be no easy matter and acknowledges that the support of the Maori people is crucial to its aims. It feels that the journey the Maori people must make is ultimately a political one.

1984 Election Manifesto

Mana Motuhake’s 1984 Election Manifesto provides further insight into the aims and ideals of the Party. In accordance with Maori protocol, points of policy were agreed on the marae setting only after much debate and argument. Interestingly some policy aspects are remarkably similar to those being implemented by the Labour Party (eg official recognition of the Maori language; granting of additional powers to the Waitangi Tribunal etc) and one could be excused for wondering whether Labour has ‘borrowed’ these policies from Mana Motuhake.

The Party’s main points of policy deal with:

1. recognition in legislation, of the unique relationship the Maori people shares with the land and the retention and expansion of Maori land ownership by tribal/communal means;

2. recognition of Maori as an official language of Aotearoa (New Zealand), progressive introduction of Maori language in all public business. Provision of services to promote tribal newspapers and magazines, establishment of a minimum of six Maori language radio stations and creation of a Department of Maori Television New Zealand;

3. recognition of equality between men and women and active promotion of at least a 50 percent representation of women at central and local government elections;

4. improvement of job creation and training programmes and development of other programmes for Maori youth; 5. legal ratification of the Treay of Waitangi and a demand that the Maori seats be increased in accordance with the total Maori population. (The Party would initially like to see the establishment of ten Maori seats with representation to be decided on a tribal basis since mana and dignity derives from the tribe);

6. a nuclear free New Zealand and withdrawal from ANZUS;

7. other measures aimed at rectifying the plight of the Maori in terms of the criminal justice system, education, health and employment.

The Party also believes that those Maori people not on the Maori Roll should not be entitled to receive benefits from institutions such as Maori Affairs, Maori Education Foundation, Maori Purposes Fund etc.

Constitution, Membership & Finance

Mana Motuhake is an incorporated society and rules on membership, voting etc are governed by the normal rules which apply to any incorporated society.

The Party has a Permanent office with a Secretariat that meets monthly and about 100 active branches throughout the country with membership currently numbering some 8000. The branches work and report to various area councils which decide on policy issues and in turn report to electoral committees during election periods. Membership is available at a cost of $lO per family and is open to those who believe in the policies of the party. The Party numbers many women in its ranks which is not surprising as Amster Reedy (5) comments that “women are the bearers of Maoritanga because they outnumber men in all the organisations aimed at preserving it Marae Committees, Maori Women’s Welfare League etc”

Although clear lines of authority and communication exist in the organisation problems have occurred because of

the size of the electorates covered by the Party and lack of resources such as money, vehicles etc.

Maori Seats

Mana Motuhake has no wish to see the Maori seats abolished in the shortterm since they are better than nothing and at least provide a guaranteed opportunity for the Maori voice to be heard in Parliament. Mana Motuhake advocates that, until there is a meaningful sharing of political power between Maori - Pakeha there should be an immediate increase in the Maori seats in line with increases in the Maori population with representation to be decided on a tribal basis.

The Party would dearly love an opportunity to contest the Maori seats in a straight-out fight with the Labour Party as it feels the traditional Labour Maori MP’s are largely ineffective because they are too restricted and hamstrung by a requirement to remain within the political machinery and dictates of the Labour Party. Mana Motuhake MP’s if elected would be under no such restraints and could unashamedly pursue policies for the total benefit of the Maori people.

Mana Motuhake acknowledges that the Labour Party has a firm grip on the Maori seats and bemoans the fact that the Maori representatives could have done much for the Maori people had they chosen to capitalise on situations where closely fought elections occurred (eg 1957, 1981) during which time valuable concessions for the Maori people could have been wrought.

One view of the Maori seats which would seem to echo the thoughts of Mana Motuhake is (6):

“The Maori MP is a Pakeha invention designed to articulate and manage Maori grievances in a Pakeha devised political structure. The New Zealand Parliament is a Pakeha contrivance, and so the Maori members of it do not arise naturally from Maori society and culture but themselves derive from newly developed leadership positions. They do not organically spring from

Maori life; they have been imposed upon it and they serve special functions: to communicate to the Pakeha world; to bring communications from the Pakeha. They were not established to deal with Maori-to-Maori communication and lack the authority to serve as spokesmen from Maori to Maori as they have no tribal authority. Herein lies the paradox. This institution the four Maori seats in Parliament the source of much controversy has no intrinsic cultural value within Maoridom since they do not themselves rest on the fundamental tribal basis of Maoridom. They serve as a device for filing the diversity of contemporary Maori into four pigeon holes of manageable dimensions.”

National Party The National Party has chosen largely to ignore Mana Motuhake regarding it as of no consequence although former Prime Minister Rob Muldoon did accuse the Party of failing to do its job over the much publicised Motunui outfall incident.

Others

Mana Motuhake has come to be acknowledged as an influential voice on Maori issues and has made submissions on electoral reform and to the Waitangi Tribunal. Its members have provided input into schemes such as PEP, Tu Tangata and Kohanga Reo and its views have also been sought by the Education Department. In past elections Mana Motuhake has enjoyed a close relationship with the Values Party who agreed not to put up any candidates in electorates contested by Mana Motuhake. The Party also shares a very strong affinity with the environmental policies of Values.

The Environment

Mana Motuhake’s views on conservation and the environment essentially echo the view of the wider Maori community. These can be summarised as follows:

1. Mana Motuhake regards itself as a kaitiaki (custodian) of the Mauri (lifeforce) of Maori land. Its policy on land is clearly enunciated in its 1984 Election Manifesto and the party believes that the Maori people as the indigenous people of New Zealand have a unique relationship with the land in which: (a) land is considered to be more than just a commodity. It is a spiritual entity that provides a link with the mythological creation of the world and surrounding universe and unites the Maori to his ancestors and to generations to come; Selection of Electoral

Candidates and Mode of Canvassing

The Party is particularly keen to select candidates from people who are will-

ing to take on responsibility and can demonstrate a strong commitment to the policies of the Party and Maori issues. No formal qualifications are sought from would-be candidates however the Party boasts considerable success in being able to contest seats with highly qualified and articulate Maori people.

In canvassing electoral support for its candidates Mana Motuhake has adopted the maxim “He kanohi kitea the face that is seen.” Candidates are actively encouraged to meet Maori people on their own marae by attending as many Maori huihuinga (gatherings including tangihanga) as possible, in addition to holding regular campaign meetings. This is the major means by which candidates endeavour to make themselves known to the Maori people and there is much traditional appeal in Maoridom for issues to be discussed by them in a marae setting.

Near election time candidates and their support groups undertake concentrated door knockings and personalised meetings which result in increased publicity and public meetings as the campaign tempo increases. The Party relies heavily on finance from donations, membership fees and fund-raising but does not have sufficient funds to spend on television, radio or newspaper advertisements and like other small political parties is allowed no free time on radio or television.

Problems in campaigning have arisen because of a shortage of resources such as finance, vehicles etc; inexperience in campaigning, huge electoral areas and occasional offers of assistance received far too late to be of any effective use! Nonetheless the Party is happy to campaign in a distinctly Maori way.

Unlike the 1981 elections the 1984 elections saw the media pay little or no attention to Mana Motuhake. In the latter elections Mana Motuhake had to compete for media attention with the “flash-in-the-pan” New Zealand Party and witnessed the anti-National government surge towards Labour. The lack of media attention meant that the Party was unable to sustain its strong showing in the 1981 elections and saw membership reduce from a high of some 15,000 to a level of 8,000.

Relationship with other Groups Labour Party

Although Mana Motuhake undoubtably gave Labour a fright in the 1981 elections the results from the 1984 election would seem to imply that Mana Motuhake may be on the wane. Also initiatives by the Labour Party such as appointment of a Maori Governor General; appointments of two Maori to Cabinet; affirmative action programmes such as Te Kohanga Reo and Maatua Whangai and an undertak-

ing to shortly introduce a Bill to the House giving official recognition to the Maori language would seem to suggest that the Maori people are at last receiving equitable treatment from government and there is no longer a need for Mana Motuhake.

Mana Motuhake, whilst pleased that Labour is at last doing positive things for the Maori is largely unimpressed with Labour’s policies because they are still subject to Pakeha oversight and they do not seem to be having any appreciable effect on the Maori socioeconomic plight.

In a recent interview, a spokesperson for Mana Motuhake remarked that “whilst Labour is endearing itself to the Maori people, it is also at the same time alienating itself from its own majority Pakeha supporters, many of whom seem to view Maori policy initiatives as discriminatory and reverse racism. The ensuing revolt by its supporters will undoubtably assist to bring Labour down at the next election.” This conjecture would seem to be backed by recent reported grumblings in Labour’s own parliamentary ranks and a constant barrage of complaints through the media about the number and level of Maori incentives. The spokesperson for Mana Motuhake believes that the only sensible alternative for the main political parties is to completely abandon their Maori policies and allow political power to be shared with Mana Motuhake who would then assume 100 percent responsibility for the Maori people. This would allow the other parties to fully concentrate their efforts on issues affecting the non-Maori. However, if this approach is in fact agreed by the main political parties, a question that would arise is who should be given the right to represent the Maori people? It may not necessarily be Mana Motuhake as other Maori political groups would no doubt seek the right to represent the Maori.

(b) land provides turangawaewae (a place to stand) and identity. The mana of a tribe is closely associated with its land and boundaries and landmarks themselves often mark some historic event and serve as pegs in Maori whakapapa (ancestry). Whakapapa is in turn a prime vehicle of tradition and identity in Maori culture. Some landsites (eg Moa Point) provide a link to the past and have rich historic and archaeological value;

(c) land is the substance of all life and like a mother, she nourishes and nurtures the people. Produce of the land such as trees, and plants provides rich sources of food, clothing, medicine, and materials for building. The planting of totally uniform exotic trees in place of native trees is a sad reflection on the attitude of a society which suffocates individualism. The Maori view on land was starkly contrasted with perceived Pakeha val-

(b) seafood has been an important part of the diet of the ancestors of the Maori (and still is today) and thus provides a link with the past-

(c) food is an integral part of the process of manaakitanga (hospitality) for visitors to the marae. Good (or conversely poor food) is a reflection on the whole tribe not just the local marae that provided that food.

For the reasons above there is a general and binding consensus among the Maori based on strong spiritual and cultural values, for the natural environment to be conserved and protected.

Environmental Reform

In an effort to achieve a more balanced and consistent approach to resource management planning and nature conservation the Government recently announced a proposed significant restructuring of public organisations which have responsibility for aspects of environmental administration. The main proposals are (8): 1. establishment of a new Department of Conservation with responsibilities for advising the Government on the efficient use and conservation of New Zealand’s natural and physical resources; 2. establishment of a Land Development and Management Corporation with responsibility for development of lands for farm settlement and other commercial uses;

3. establishment of a Forestry Corporation for purely commercial marketing of exotic forests; 4. establishment of a Ministry for the Environment with responsibility for environmental issues;

5. establishment of the position of a Parliamentary Commissioner with responsibility for environmental audits and reviews.

These announcements on environmental reform foreshadow a number of concessions to the Maori people. For many years the Maori has complained about the selfish and thoughtless exploitation of the environment which saw the destruction of native forests, pollution of waterways and annihilation of traditional sources of food.

Maori concern in this area has been directed to a system which has seen:

1. the consistent failure of resource developers and decision-makers to take into account, let alone endeavour to understand, the spiritual and cultural significance of the natural environment of the Maori;

2. a failure to take account of the views and needs of Maori tribal groups directly affected by resource developments;

3. a lack of statutory mechanisms to ensure the input of Maori representation into decision-making processes concerned with development of natural resources.

to be warmly welcomed oy tne Maori and not before time!

Environmental Proposals of Direct Consequence to the Maori

The establishment of a Maori Secretariat in the proposed Ministry for the Environment means a responsibility to ensure that the concerns of Maori tribal groups, including reference to the review of the Waitangi tribunal, are properly addressed within the systems and processes used to decide on the allocation of natural resources.

The establishment of rangatira kaitiaki (guardians) in areas deemed necessary by the Minister for the Environment, will enable the appointment of local guardians, including representatives of local Maori tribal groups, to a watchdog role over specific features of the environment or environmental assets of a particular region. This initiative is being promoted as a positive means of encouraging biculturalism. Whilst on the face of it, these initiatives promise the Maori a greater say in the decision-making process used to decide on the allocation and develop-

ment of natural resources, the reality may well be different. Until the new environmental organisations are fully operational it is likely that many Maori will reserve their decision on the worth of these initiatives. Experiences of unfulfilled promises have occurred many times before.

Conclusion

The current period of unrest and discontent between Maori-Pakeha race relations has seen the emergence of the Mana Motuhake political party which has devoted itself to the achievement of a fair share of political power in order to guarantee the Maori people a position of self-reliance and selfdetermination.

Mana Motuhake believes that political decisions on the welfare and destiny of Maori people have for too long been based on predominantly Pakeha values and administered through largely Pakeha institutions and procedures which have been unwilling to take account of distinctly differing Maori views and values.

Regretfully, even with well intentioned initatives by the Labour Party such as Maori affirmative action programmes; appointment of Maoris to prominent positions; official recognition of the Maori language and a say in environmental decision-making processes etc, the plight of the maori continues to worsen and this is sadly reflected in recent alarming socioeconomic trends.

The problem, therefore, is not only one of ensuring that the Maori has a reasonable share of political power and the country’s wealth and prosperity, but the matter of a psychological dimension needs to be addressed as well, necessitating recognition by the Pakeha of the unique spiritual and cultural values of the Maori.

Until there is a resolution to these problems Mana Motuhake firmly believes that Maori unrest will continue to grow and the need for what Mana Motuhake has to offer will become clearer to all Maori people.

Acknowledgements 1. Ann Salmond, Hui, Reed Methuen Publishers 1985. 2. Reported in The Dominion, 1 March 1986. 3. Op. cit. 4. Submissions to Environment Forum 1985, The Need for Change A Maori Community View, March 1985. 5. Reported in The Dominion, 29 October 1982. 6. S Levine & R Vasil, Maori Political Perspectives, Whitcoulls, Christchurch 1985. 7. L Cleveland, Politics of Utopia, Methuen Publications 1979. 8. Minister for the Environment Environment 1986, June 1985.

Other Acknowlegements A. Reedy, Mana Motuhake spokesperson on the environment; R Henden, librarian, Maori Affairs Department; Pols 235 notes, Victoria University Wellington, 1986; Maori Affairs Department, annual report, 1985; Tu Tangata magazine, November/December 1981.