Performing arts hui

Tu Tangata, Issue 17, 1 April 1984, Page 6

Performing arts hui

Turangawaewae January 84. na Hamuera Mitchell

T he hui was run by MASPAC to bring together about a hundred tutors plus tutor trainees as well as elders who were knowledgeable in the performing arts, such as waiata tawhito, haka, poi and waiata-a-ringa.

On the first day there were two sessions, in the morning a session on waiata tawhito with convenor Patariki Rei, a kaumatua from Te Atiawa, Ngati Toa, Raukawa whanui and Nga Puhi. He’s lived in Rotorua for many years and readily admits that much of his knowledge about things Maori particularly waiata tawhito was told to him by the elders of Te Arawa.

As convenor of waiata tawhito, he set the scene for where most of these waiata were sung. He began by saying it was important for people as Maoris to be associated with the marae and the reason for this was that its on the marae that much of our maoritanga is witnessed and lived.

The marae was the social gathering place and Maori people were often either going to a hui or else returning from one. There are two categories of hui, hui mate or a tangihanga. The second hui is a hui ora, that is a celebration including weddings, 21sts, family reunions, church gatherings or tribal wananga.

At the hui mate, waiata tawhito were often sung by tribal groups.

Another reasons for a maori to attend a hui on the marae is to strengthen his connection and relationships with people, through whanaungatanga or blood relationship, taukete or relationships through marriage and nga hoa or friendships. The latter was particularly appropriate to the pakeha as more and more pakeha come to the marae because of friendships with maori families.

Having set the scene Patariki then talked the category of waiata tawhito. To him the main sort was te apakura.

“Apakura is a particular sort of waiata often sung by someone very closely related to the deceased i.e. a parent singing for a child that has died or a wife or husband singing it for a departed spouse. Apakura is also associated with the term ‘waiata haehae’, where a person whilst singing the waiata would self inflict lacerations to the arms and breast.”

Patariki Rei then went on to talk about other sorts of waiata performed on the marae, the patere, pokeka and the oriori.

A panel of elders were able to assist tutors with knowledge about the various waiata. The panel for the waiata tawhito included Henare Tuwhangai from Waikato, Mac Whakamoe, Tuhoe but living in Palmerston North among Ngati Rangitane, Hamuera Mitere, an elder from Ngati

Whakaue/Te Arawa and others. “On one or two occasions tutors asked the panel if they could give their explanations on how to perform the waiata in english for the benefit of those who couldn’t understand maori. This was unfortunate as it detracted from the elders speaking in their first tongue and being able to give indepth information. Also it was a time-wasting factor. However the elders agreed to speak in maori and english. One of the disadvantages of having this particular session in open forum was that it may have inhibited some old people about giving in-depth knowledge.

‘‘For example, a few elders were overheard speaking about information that would have helped the open forum, but that wasn’t shared. One elder talked about errors that are usually made in singing a waiata and he referred to these errors, e.g. awai, dragging the singing of a waiata. Another common error was referred to as rangirua when a waiata is sung in two parts, and taupatupatu, to go flat or out of rhythm. And of course the problem of trying to prevent a whati or break occuring during a waiata.

Also there were other aspects of their discussion that would have been of general interest like the role of different people in singing waiata. In some tribes the perogative of starting a waiata after a whaikorero rests with women, but in the case of Te Arawa the man is the tangata hi, or the person who leads the song. Everyone else who stands to accompany him must follow his lead.”

In spite of these gems that weren’t shared by all, there were a number of good questions asked. One lady asked when it was appropriate to sing waiata tawhito. Patariki Rei replied that for cultural groups especially during competitions, it wasn’t appropriate to sing apakura or waiata whaka-tangitangi, and felt those remained the preserve of the marae, especially for tangihanga.

‘‘Possibly as a result of this many groups who are involved with the Polynesian festival are tending to compose and perform only one sort of waiata, the patere. The tempo of the patere seems to provide the necessary rhythym and dynamics that cultural competitions rely on, a performance that seems to be geared for spectator interest.” Another person asked what was the difference between a patere and a pokeka. The reply was that a patere

has a different tempo, and also the pokeka is peculiar to the Arawa tribes and is used either to enhance an occasion or belittle someone who may have transgressed Arawa kawa. Also the words are different, as a patere refers to people, events and geographical landmarks. A pokeka can refer also like that but can be derisive, harsh in language and sometimes crude, but within the context of the performance, is conveyed according to whether the people are there to uplift or denegrade.

The afternoon session was on haka and the convenor was Ngapo Wehi. This session seemed more organised than the morning one. A brief introduction was given to what is known as haka-a-nga-tane. Ruamoko, the Ngati Porou haka was performed. Drawing on that haka as an illustration of what the session was to discuss, it was graphically clear in people’s minds what was meant by haka. There was also a panel of elders, with some from the morning’s session, to share knowledge. Each in turn was invited to demonstrate the haka style of their particular group.

The Nga Puhi elder talked on haka tutu ngarahu, which is peculiar to Nga Puhi. Someone from Ngati Porou demonstrated haka taparahi and an elder from Tuwharetoa/Maniapoto demonstrated haka peruperu, while an elder from Te Arawa demonstrated haka kowhiri and the haka peruperu.

“Again it was interesting to note that in the open forum there was reluctance to divulge information, with some elders being unsure of what was required of them. However one elder from Te Arawa explained that the term haka was misused because today it’s generally related to a war-dance. He said haka was a generic term and is applicable to all forms of dance. For example a haka taparahi refers to a haka performed by Ngati Porou without rakau or weapons in the hands. The same sort of haka is known in Te Arawa as the haka kowiri. Also a haka can be a haka poi, a haka patere, any sort of rendition of dance is a haka. This helped those gathered to see haka outside today’s narrow definition.

During this session much information was given. One elder spoke about the necessity of teaching and learning haka

to fully understand the meanings of the words, because many of the actions are closely related to the words.,More often than not the actions are determined by the words themselves.

An illustration of this was given by an elder of Te Arawa who said a wellknown haka from his area was often performed wrongly because the performers didn’t understand the meanings of the words. He gave an illustration of this which is difficult to relate in print.

However he also demonstrated that in the words of the haka are also contained the stance which is peculiar to the Te Arawa menfolk. The position of the feet is such that the performer can turn either to the left or to the right without being in danger of toppling over. Also his bearing was such that he was always in a position of readiness for combat. The words used to describe the stance in an Arawa haka are ‘kia riri te tu, kia maranga te uma, kia whakatikatika au i ahau.’

After this session people moved off to workshops so they could talk about things in greater detail. This was an improvement on the morning session which didn’t give people an opportunity to get close to the elders. In the workshop I attended the various roles in a haka were explained. The kaea or the tangata kaitakitaki had a particular function in the haka and that was to maintain the rhythm of the haka as he moved along the different ranks of the haka party. The elder also talked about the role of what he called, nga manu ngangahu, or the individuals who were at the ends of the ranks who added embellishments through their demonstration with taiaha or other rakau.

“However I still felt some elders withheld useful hints. For example today there is widespread use of rakau in the performance of haka particularly at Polynesian festivals, and in a number of instances groups have used weapons such as the wahaika back to front, the carved figure facing away from the performer.

It would have beem useful in the workshop situation to gain the advice of the elders because they would have corrected this obvious error. The reason, given again in private is that the

carved figure faces the performer because it represents an atua. Prior to using the weapon the person would karakia to the atua.

This haka session also was treated to an elder talking on the wero. He said he was sick of seeing the wero being performed so badly. He felt in most instances people performing the wero didn’t know what they were doing. Most common error was carriage of the taiaha in the wrong hand. Another common error was turning to the left after putting down the rakau before the manuhiri rather than turning to the right. Also in many instances the tangata wero was demonstrating his dexterity with the taiaha at the wrong stage of the wero ritual. In a very simple demonstration he showed the correct procedure to follow in performing the wero. The tribal differences would not make any difference to this he said.

The Saturday session was devoted to poi and the waiata-a-ringa.

Evaluation

With the first such national hui of its type to be held, difficulties were inevitable. With over four hundred attending, the numbers posed problems which inhibited in-depth discussion. Also the elders could have participated more if their role had been better defined. Also there were probably far too many people there who didn’t have a basic knowledge of any given subject to enable them to ask appropriate questions and therefore learn more about their area of interest. I was also surprised by the apparent lack of in-depth or searching questions from tutors who’ve been involved with culture clubs for years. From my observation I could either assume these tutors already know a great deal and didn’t think it necessary to ask the elders. Or they didn’t know and expected to be told. If they took this line I think they expected too much from the elders.

Also the elders didn’t seem to be in a position to give the reasons why you performed in a certain way, and yet in a learning situation it’s just as important for tutors to understand the why, as the how, a thing is performed.

At the hui were a number of respected elders including Kohine Ponika Tuhoe, Dovey Katene Hovarth Ngati Toa/Te Atiawa, Ngoi Pewhairangi Ngati Porou, Wi Huata Kahungunu, Marge RaukupaParihaka, Bubbles Mihinui

Tuhour angi/Te Arawa, Mac Whakamoe Tuhoe, Henare Tuwhangai Waikato, Bill Kerekere, Kingi Ihaka and Hori Brenan who works now in Christchurch with Nga Hau e Wha marae. A number of younger composers were also there including Peter Sharpies, Bub Wehi, Hirini Melbourne, Tomairangi Te Unga, and Vicky and Tom Ward.